The United Nations special rapporteur for human rights in Iran, Ahmed Shaheed, says his work has had a positive impact on the rights situation in the Islamic republic. Shaheed, who earlier this week presented his latest report to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, told RFE/RL in an interview that the lives of several Iranians who were sentenced to death were spared because of his efforts. The UN is set to vote later this month on the renewal of Shaheed’s mandate. He spoke to RFE/RL correspondent Golnaz Esfandiari.

RFE/RL: Professor Shaheed, what has been the impact of your mandate so far? Have your reports led to any improvements in the human rights situation in Iran?

Ahmed Shaheed: Well, I think the fact [that I have been] monitoring and reporting on Iran has made some changes in that there have been cases when, I think, people have felt that certain say, capital-punishment sentences have not been carried out, or that there have been occasions when the government may have investigated further issues they may otherwise not have. So I think a pair of eyes on Iran does promote on the part of the government more vigilance in terms of responding to issues and also, I think, a greater care that they do things better. I recall last year this time we were concerned about the imminent execution of Pastor Yousef Naderkhani — in the debate in the [Security] Council that was a major issue — and subsequently he had been released. Now today, the Iran delegation on the issue of [blogger and Facebook activist Sattar] Beheshti conceded that he was killed in prison, and acknowledged the need to investigate the matter properly.

So I think even if it not so visibly clear, the fact that people do report on the suffering in Iran does make a difference. I believe it’s very important that the spotlight on Iran continues, because I think Iran is a country which cares about what is being said about the country because it sees itself as a leader in the global [sphere], for example. So it’s very important that countries keep a spotlight on Iran and be vigilant about what is happening so people feel a degree of protection in terms of being documented as to what’s happening to them.

RFE/RL: Yet despite the greater attention on human rights violations in Iran, you said in your latest report that the human rights situation has deteriorated.

Shaheed: Yes, that it correct. But it is not linked to the reporting per se, it’s just that there have been certain internal issues in Iran that have contributed to this. It is a trend that you can observe from the last election process. And we are now approaching a new election timeline and therefore those issues are now sort of coming into sharper relief; and this relates to the space for media freedom, the treatment of journalists, the treatment of human rights defenders, and the whole sphere of political freedom. That is still continuing.

RFE/RL: In a relatively short time it appears that you have turned into Iran’s “Enemy No. 1.” You’ve been accused of taking bribes, working with terrorists, and had your role characterized as that of an opposition activist. Why do you think Iran is leveling so many accusations against you?

Shaheed: I think it’s in the nature of certain governments that criticism is not taken lightly. So my reports do amount to criticism of government practices. Therefore, there is a degree of resentment that comes with that. I think the kind of media comments that have been made in recent days are perhaps designed to create a smokescreen on the delegations and perhaps not to engage on the issues at hand. But that hasn’t worked; a number of countries, even those who would traditionally oppose country mandates, have called on Iran to cooperate with the mandate.

RFE/RL: Iran has dismissed your reports as false. Have Iranian officials ever pointed to any potential factual mistakes in your reports? Has Tehran been able to dismiss any part of your reports based on facts?

Shaheed: No, they have not been in fact able to point out that my information is false. Of course they disagree on certain points of facts. But they have not been able to refute any allegations that I have made. I have been very careful in what I say, I ensure that anything I say is verified by at least two credible independent sources. So I am not blindly spraying allegations.

RFE/RL: Can you effectively monitor the human rights situation in Iran without being allowed into the country?

Shaheed: I am being effective, but of course going to the country is important. It will add value to what I’m doing but I cannot do without using the kind of methods I’m using now. What I mean is, if I went into the country I have no guarantee that people in Iran will be able to meet me freely or without fear. I think people are far more reluctant to come to see me in broad daylight or in a physical place because the fear of being exposed talking to me is very high and [because] there is often reprisal.

But the way I operate now, through electronic means, I’m able to reach out to hundreds of people in the country without them being detected. I am not Marco Polo; I don’t have to be in the place to report about what’s happening there, although I add that if I can visit prisons, if I can speak to judiciary members, if I can visit courts, if I can visit government institutions, I’ll have a fuller picture about what’s happening than reporting without going to the country.

RFE/RL: You’ve expressed concern over the potentially negative humanitarian effects of economic sanctions. Do you think sanctions could lead to the worsening of the human rights situation in Iran by hurting civil society?

Shaheed: Absolutely. I think in the long run sanctions can have a very negative impact on civil society; and the longer they continue, the greater the chance that civil society would be adversely affected by this. If sanctions are causing massive currency devaluations, it’s simple logic that people will be hurt in their ability to realize their basic economic and social needs. If sanctions are causing trade difficulties resulting in disruption to medical supplies or to basic food supplies, then the most vulnerable people suffer immediately, and over the long term there is wider suffering caused.

So there is no doubt that long-term sanctions, which undermine the trading ability [and] undermine the capacity for basic foodstuffs, will have a negative impact. For the moment I am not able to detect that scale of impact, but that’s partly because I have not been given access to information by the government of Iran; and it is that government which has the information that is relevant to this. And I’m calling on them to become more transparent on this subject because, like I point out, in the long run it can be very hurtful to the people.

via UN’s Iran Rights Rapporteur Says Sanctions Could Worsen Situation.

Security forces prevented peaceful demonstrations marking the anniversary of February 2011 anti-government protests. Opposition leaders Mir Hossein Mousavi, Zahra Rahnavard, and Mehdi Karroubi remained under house arrest at this writing.

On February 21, the Guardian Council, an unelected body of 12 religious jurists, disqualified more than 2,000 candidates running for seats in Iran’s March 2 parliamentary election on ill-defined criteria. The Iranian judiciary announced on December 31, 2011, that calls for an election boycott constituted “a crime.”

At this writing, dozens of activists affiliated with banned opposition parties, labor unions, and student groups were in prison. The judiciary targeted independent and unregistered trade unions. In May, a revolutionary court in Tehran sentenced Reza Shahabi, a prominent labor rights activist working with the Syndicate of Workers of Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company, to six years’ imprisonment for “conspiracy against the national security” and “propaganda against the regime.”

In January, the Ministry of Culture ordered the dissolution of the country’s largest independent film guild, the House of Cinema, allegedly because it was not properly registered.
Death Penalty

In 2011 authorities carried out more than 600 executions, second only to China, according to Amnesty International. Crimes punishable by death include murder, rape, trafficking and possessing drugs, armed robbery, espionage, sodomy, adultery, and apostasy.

The majority of those executed in recent years have been convicted of drug-related offenses following flawed trials in revolutionary courts. The number of executions increased following the entry into force in late December 2010 of an amended anti-narcotics law.

Iran leads the world in the execution of juvenile offenders (i.e. individuals under 18 when they allegedly committed the crime). Iranian law allows capital punishment for persons who have reached puberty, defined as 9 for girls and 15 for boys. In late 2012, there were more than 100 juvenile offenders on death row.

In January 2012, the Guardian Council approved the final text of an amended penal code. Children convicted for “discretionary crimes” such as drug-related offenses would no longer be sentenced to death under the amended code, but a judge may still sentence to death juveniles convicted of crimes such as rape, sodomy, and murder if he determines that the child understood the nature and consequences of the crime, a vague standard susceptible to abuse.

Authorities have executed at least 30 people since January 2010 on the charge of moharebeh(“enmity against God”) or “sowing corruption on earth” for their alleged ties to armed groups. Since May 2011, authorities have executed at least 11 Iranian Arab men and a 16-year-old boy in Ahvaz’s Karun prison for their alleged links to groups involved in attacking security forces.

As of September 2012, at least 28 Kurdish prisoners were awaiting execution on national security charges, including moharebeh.
Freedom of Expression and Information

According to Reporters Without Borders, 48 journalists and bloggers were in Iran’s prisons as of August 2012. On April 4, a revolutionary court notified Mansoureh Behkish, a prominent blogger and supporter of the Mourning Mothers, that she had been sentenced to four-and-a half-years for “propagating against the regime” and “assembly and collusion against national security.” Behkish had been active on behalf of families of victims of the 2009 post-election crackdown and 1988 prison massacres.

On September 2, 2012, authorities summoned journalist Jila Baniyaghoob to Evin prison to serve a one-year sentence for “spreading propaganda against the regime” and “insulting the president.” Authorities also banned Baniyaghoob from practicing journalism for 30 years. Baniyaghoob’s husband, Bahman Ahmadi-Amoui, is serving a five-year prison sentence on similar charges.

On November 6, authorities notified family members of blogger Sattar Beheshti that he had died in custody following his arrest on October 30. In response to international and domestic pressure, and allegations that Beheshti has been tortured, Iran’s judiciary announced on November 11 that it would launch an investigation into what happened, and hold anyone responsible for wrongdoing accountable.

The government systematically blocked websites, slowed internet speeds, and jammed foreign satellite broadcasts. In March 2011, authorities announced that they would soon launch ahalal—legitimate—internet to protect Iran from socially and morally corrupt content. In September, they announced that the first phase had been implemented in most provinces.
Human Rights Defenders

On March 4, prominent rights lawyer Abdolfattah Soltani learned that a revolutionary court had sentenced him to 18 years in prison, barred him from practicing law for 20 years, and ordered that he serve his sentence in Borajan, a city more than 600 kilometers south of Tehran. Prosecutors charged Soltani with “propaganda against the state,” assembly and collusion against the state, and establishing the Center for Human Rights Defenders (CHRD), which Soltani co-founded with Nobel peace laureate Shirin Ebadi. An appeals court later reduced Soltani’s sentence to 13 years and reversed the ban on practicing law. The same day, an appeals court issued a six-year sentence for Narges Mohammadi, a CHRD spokesperson, on similar charges.

In April, an appeals court informed defense lawyer Mohammad Ali Dadkhah that it had upheld his nine-year sentence on charges related to his interviews with foreign media and membership of CHRD. The court also sentenced Dadkhah to fines and corporal punishment (in the form of lashes) and banned him from teaching for 10 years.
Women’s Rights

Iranian women face discrimination in personal status matters related to marriage, divorce, inheritance, and child custody. A woman needs her male guardian’s approval for marriage regardless of her age, and cannot pass on her nationality to her foreign-born spouse or their children. A woman may not obtain a passport or travel outside the country without the written permission of a male guardian.

Several universities banned female enrollment in several academic fields, including engineering and the sciences, and set quotas limiting the number of women in university courses as well as gender segregation in several higher education facilities.
Treatment of Minorities

The government denies freedom of religion to adherents of the Baha’i faith, Iran’s largest non-Muslim religious minority. Authorities conducted a campaign targeting Baha’is in the northern city of Semnan. According to the Baha’i International Community, at least 17 Baha’i-owned businesses have been shut down, and 22 Baha’is have been sentenced to prison terms ranging from 6 months to 6 years since 2009.There were 111 Baha’is detained in Iran’s prisons as of September 2012.

Authorities discriminate in political participation and employment against non-Shiite Muslim minorities, including Sunnis, who account for about 10 percent of the population. They also prevent Sunnis from constructing mosques in major cities and conducting separate Eid prayers. Government targeting of Sufis, particularly members of the Nematollahi Gonabadi sect, continued unabated.

In September, authorities released Yousef Nadarkhani, the pastor of a 400-member Church of Iran congregation in northern Iran, after almost three years’ imprisonment on the charge of apostasy, which carries the death penalty. Authorities reduced Nadarkhani’s charge to “evangelizing to Muslims” and commuted his sentence to three years’ imprisonment, which he had already served. According to Ahmed Shaheed, the special rapporteur on human rights in Iran, authorities have arbitrarily arrested and detained over 300 Christians, the majority of them evangelicals or Protestants, since June 2010.

The government restricted cultural and political activities among the country’s Azeri, Kurdish, Arab, and Baluch minorities. Security forces detained, tortured, and executed dozens of Arab activists in southwestern Khuzestan province since 2011. According to Arab minority rights activists, at least six people have been tortured to death in custody in connection with anti-government demonstrations that swept Khuzestan province between April 2011and February2012.
Key International Actors

On August 11, President Barack Obama signed new legislation into law expanding United States sanctions in the form of asset freezes and travel bans against human rights violators in Iran.

In March, the European Union reinforced its restrictive measures adopted in response to serious human rights violations in Iran and prolonged them by 12 months. These moves came on top of expanded sanctions aimed at blocking Iran’s alleged efforts to acquire nuclear weapons.

On March 7, Ahmed Shaheed released his second report, documenting a “striking pattern of violations.” Later that month, the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) renewed the mandate of the special rapporteur, established in 2011. In October, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon released his annual report on the situation of human rights in Iran, saying he was “deeply troubled” by continuing violations in that country. Later that month, Shaheed released his third report, which also provided a “deeply troubling picture of the overall human rights situation” in Iran.

The UN Office of Drug Control (UNODC) continued to provide financial support to law enforcement projects to combat drug trafficking in Iran despite guidelines that require it to temporarily freeze or withdraw support in cases where executions for drug-related offenses continue.

Name: Behrouz Javid Tehrani

Place of Birth: Tehran, Iran

Date of Birth: 26 December 1978

Occupation:  Journalist

Interviewing Organization: Iran Human Rights Documentation Center (IHRDC)

Date of Interview:  11 October 2012

Interviewer: IHRDC Staff

This statement was prepared pursuant to an interview with Behrouz Javid Tehrani. It was approved by Behrouz Javid Tehrani on January 3, 2013. There are 65 paragraphs in the statement.

The views and opinions of the witness expressed herein do not necessarily reflect those of the Iran Human Rights Documentation Center.

Statement

1.   My name is Behrouz Javid Tehrani. In 1999 I was studying agriculture. When I heard about the raid on [University of Tehran’s] dormitory, I participated in the demonstrations and I was arrested. I spent four years in prison for my involvement in those demonstrations. Of those four years I spent more than three and a half years in Rajaee Shahr prison in Karaj. I continued my activities after I was released. I was arrested again in 2006, and this time I was sentenced to seven years in prison. I should also note that I was also detained for five months between these two incidents. I was released in 2011 because they deducted those five months from my sentence. Overall I have been in prison for 11 years, and for more than 10 years of it I was in the Rajaee Shahr prison in Karaj.

The Circumstances of his Arrest

2.   On [Thursday], July 9, 2009 I decided to participate in the planned protests after I heard about the raid on the dormitories from foreign radio stations. I went there on Saturday morning. I also went on Sunday and Monday. On Monday the clashes intensified, and the police attacked the students. They used tear gas. They also used pepper spray, and they beat the protesters with batons and electric shockers. Student protestors set a bus on fire near Vali Asr Square. In an instant, a stone was hurled towards me and hit me hard in the head. Blood started streaming down my face and I had to go to one of the side streets to wash my face.

3.   When I returned I was caught between two groups of anti-riot police, one on the north side of the square and the other on the south side. I had to pick which way to go. I decided to go to the south side. There were police on both sides. Keshavarz Boulevard was filled with police as well. I started to calmly walk towards the south side as if nothing happened, but it was clear from my face that these were not ordinary circumstances. When I reached the square they pushed me from behind. There was a chain in front of me and I had to jump over it. When I turned I noticed they were plainclothes officers. I was arrested right there—I think the wound on my face made me stand out [in the crowd]. It was clear that my face was swollen and wounded, even though I had washed it and the bleeding had stopped.

Detention, Interrogation and Torture

4.   The circumstances of my arrest and interrogations in 2006 are interesting as well. I was at home resting one afternoon. when suddenly [agents] broke the door and stormed into the house. They made a mess searching the house, and took my personal items, files, documents and my family photos, which can never be replaced. They even beat me in my own house.

5.   At that time Keyvan Rafi’i and I were roommates. He was staying at my house. They beat the both of us. Our complaint against the Ministry of Intelligence agents who beat us went nowhere. They beat me during interrogations as well. In 2006 they even broke my rib.

6.   In the summer of 2011, when Mr. Dokmechi was ill, we filmed him in his painful situation. Since my voice was recorded in the video, [the Iranian authorities] took me and three other prisoners to ward 240 of Evin prison, which belonged to the Ministry of Intelligence (In the floor which is run by the Ministry of Intelligence and not the Prisons Organization). They took me there and kept me in solitary confinement for the entire summer.

7.   They beat me a number of times there. One thing that really bothered me, which is among the worst tortures that I can think of, was that they cuffed my hands and my feet, and then locked my hands and feet together, and then covered my mouth. I clenched my jaw before they covered my mouth. They wanted to cover my mouth with a piece of cloth. One of the ward 209 guards punched me in the chest, but I did not unclench my jaw. He climbed on my chest and started jumping up and down. Three of my ribs broke at that point. I opened my mouth, and he covered it. They tied my handcuffs to the shackles on my feet, and I had to lie on my broken chest until the morning. Being handcuffed and shackled was among the worst forms of torture I experienced because it wears you down and you cannot move at all.

Behrouz Javid Tehrani on Trial

8.   [My first] trial was in 1999, in the 26^th branch of the court. I met with and spoke with the judge for only five minutes, and this was the judge who sentenced me to eight years in prison. Eventually when they pardoned the prisoners who were arrested for the July 9, 1999 protests, my sentence was reduced to four years. When I was tried again in 2006 after being arrested two or three times, the judge asked me, “Was your sentence reduced to four years because of a conditional parole?” I said, “It wasn’t a conditional parole. It was the Supreme Leader’s amnesty, which was given to all those arrested following the July 9, 1999 protests.” He said, “I’ll make sure that you spend those four years in prison!”

9.   The judge sentenced me to seven years in prison, which was reduced to three years on appeal. The judge was Judge Zargar who [in my opinion] is the worst judge in [all of the] appeal courts; [however] he reduced my sentence to three years. But they made up charges again and gave me an additional four years, which meant that Judge Haddad did what he said he would do, and I had to spend an additional four years in prison to give back the four years that had been reduced from my previous sentence.

10. [In reality] I was not sentenced for actuality doing anything. It was rather because the Revolutionary Court or the Ministry of Intelligence was upset with me. In 2006 my attorney even told me that the only crime which I could be charged with was propaganda against the system. My attorney Behrouz Bigverdi represented me on a pro bono basis. When I served three years they added another four years to add the four years they previously reduced from my sentence. Because they had reduced those four years from my sentence by mistake.

Rajaee Shahr Prison

11. In order to explain the conditions of Rajaee Shahr prison we have to compare its situation between the reformists’ era and the time after that. It should be noted that the Rajaee Shahr prison lagged the rest of the country in both the initiation and end of the reform era. When we entered Rajaee Shahr prison in 2000 it was exactly in the same condition as it was in the 1980s. The uniforms were issued by the government, they cut everyone’s hair, they beat the prisoners, and phone conversations were limited to five minutes every two months, if at all. Wards were overcrowded. The hygiene situation was abysmal. Prisoners were not segregated based on their crimes. Inmates were sent to solitary confinement for long periods for infractions they committed in their wards.

12. Things started to change in 2001. Phone conversations became monthly, then weekly, then a few times a week, and then daily. We no longer had to wear the uniforms, and we could bring clothes from outside the prison, and we could wash them. They even brought in rugs to cover the floor. They brought in beds, and they allowed books. Newspapers became more regular. Overall, the prison became livable. This process continued through 2003. The number of political prisoners in Rajaee Shahr was very low. Apart from a group of about 20 to 30 dervishes who were arrested together, I was the only political prisoner in Rajaee Shahr.

13. I was released in 2003. When I returned to Rajaee Shahr in 2006 [former Iranian president] Mr. Khatami had left office and restrictions on prisoners resumed. Beatings and solitary confinement started again, but they introduced the changes very slowly. First they removed walls between adjoining cells, and named the new cells “suites”. There was a shower and a toilet in that room. That’s how they reinstituted solitary confinement. Then they opened section 2 of hall 1, also known as the “doghouse”. In that section, the cells have cameras, are completely dark, and their windows are fully covered by concrete. There is only a small netted window.  The prisoner has only two blankets and he is given very little food. They reopened the doghouse in 2008. Prisoners who committed an infraction or prisoners which the prison authorities disliked for any reason would be sent there.

The Medical Facility at Rajaei Shahr Prison

14. I want to discuss the medical facility in Rajaee Shahr. The conditions in that facility also changed over time. For a while it got better, and then things deteriorated. During the reformists’ era the medical facility improved, and they provided the drugs prisoners needed. Only some “luxury” drugs such as vitamins and medications for skin conditions were brought in from outside the prison. Also if the drugs were expensive the family filled the prescription and brought it to the prison. When conditions deteriorated, the medical facility cut the prisoners’ necessary medications.

15. On many occasions the medical facility of the prison, which at minimum housed 3500 prisoners, ran out of antibiotics, [sometimes] for two months [at a time]. There were lots of prisoners with infectious diseases. Sometimes, for example, if the physician prescribed 30 pills the pharmacy only dispensed 15 pills and claimed that that is all they had. There were lots of issues like this. During that period bringing in medications from outside the prison became difficult as well.

16. On a number of occasions I complained about my prescription not being filled. Sometimes they ordered the physicians to not prescribe a particular drug. Sometimes the physician claimed some medications were unavailable and that there was nothing they could do about it. This was the state of the medical facility.

17. When prison conditions became more difficult, going to medical facilities outside the prison also became very difficult. After 2009 a law was passed that required the prosecutor’s permission anytime a political prisoner wanted to leave the prison. This made things doubly difficult for political prisoners.

18. Ja’far Eghdami, a friend of mine, is a political prisoner. He has been trying to solve a nerve problem for about a year, but anytime he wanted to go to the hospital for a nerve or a muscle test he and his family had to endure bureaucratic hurdles for six months. And then, when they went to the hospital, they saw that the doctor is not there, which meant that they would need permission, yet again, to go to the hospital.

19. The same thing happened to Mr. Mohsen Dokmechi. He was sick but they would not take him to the hospital. They waited a long time to take him to the hospital, and when they took him, he was handcuffed and shackled during chemotherapy. He told them that he could not continue his chemotherapy with handcuffs and shackles and he returned to the prison. He had to use the restroom frequently during chemotherapy, and the guards at the hospital would not take off his handcuffs and shackles when he had to go to the restroom.

Solitary Confinement in Rajaee Shahr prison

20. When Shahroudi took charge [of the judiciary] he outlawed solitary confinement. First they created the “suites.” They removed walls between adjoining cells, and added a shower and a toilet and named the new cells “suites”. The suite was a trick, because they claimed that there is no solitary confinement in the Islamic Republic, and that prisoners were in suites.  This process took place in ward 209 [of Evin prison] as well. They took out the walls between solitary cells in ward 209 and created suites. It was like the suites in Rajaee Shahr, expect that not all of them had showers.  Here I would like to add that ward 209, which had the walls between adjoining solitary cells removed, ran out of cells in 2009 when the number of detainees increased. As a result, they took over one of the floors of ward 240.

21. That is why we sometimes hear that the Ministry of Intelligence has taken someone to ward 240. There are about 80 cells in the L-shaped floor of ward 240. The administration of that floor was transferred from the Prisons Organization to the Ministry of Intelligence.  People who were imprisoned in the past do not realize this when they hear that someone is in ward 240. They think that person is in solitary confinement administered by the Prisons Organization, but in reality that floor of ward 240 is run by the Ministry of Intelligence.

22. This pattern continued and conditions grew worse each day. This went on until they broke the arms and legs of two prisoners when they were beating them. They even inserted a baton into one of the prisoners. We made a video showing the conditions of these prisoners after they were released. The video shows their injuries, and that video is available on the internet. After that video came out severe beatings were stopped. [The authorities] were afraid that more videos like this would be leaked. Instead, they started to beat prisoners on the soles of their feet. Bastinados became commonplace. As I was about to be released, bastinados were used in the same manner as in old Iranian schools. But they did not use sticks. Instead, they used white-colored water pipes. These pipes are known as green pipe in Iran but they are actually white. These pipes are very painful. They are much more painful than standard batons. The beatings were severe in 2007. At that time cell phones were not yet being smuggled into the prison.

23. Once, when I was in solitary confinement, I got into argument with a guard. They handcuffed and blindfolded me, put me in shackles, and started to beat me. The guards circled me and hit me with batons. One hit me in the knee or thigh, which made me bend in pain. Then another one hit me in the back, which made me stand up in pain. This continued for more than half an hour. I threw myself on the ground, but the beating continued. But thank God they beat me with standard batons. I always thank God that they did not use water pipes that day, because those pipes break the bones. The beating of prisoners has become a real problem. When beatings started, other [types of] mistreatment increased as well. When a guard can do whatever he wants he does not care about treating the prisoner with respect. He says whatever he wants to the prisoners.

Prison Wards in Rajaee Shahr

24. There are 24 halls in Rajaei Shahr prison. Each ward has three halls. There are eight wards, one of which is run by the Ministry of Intelligence. But this ward is called the IRGC ward. The Ministry of Intelligence brings its prisoners to solitary cells in this ward. This is Ward 8.

25. Rajaee Shahr prison used to have a ward 7, which held female inmates. But [now] they send female prisoners to Varamin and Evin prisons. Now [in ward 7] they keep mentally ill patients. Instead of taking mentally ill patients to a mental health facility they dump them in this ward. This ward is in a terrible condition because many of the patients cannot eat properly or wash themselves.

26. After my release they built a new ward outside the prison complex. It is called ward 10. If Google Earth updates its new satellite pictures this ward can be identified. This ward was first supposed to be a women’s ward, but they changed their plans later. This is one of the worst wards. I later contacted some of the prisoners at Rajaei Shahr and they told me that the solitary cells are dark and dreadful. This building is separate from the main building of Rajaei Shahr prison. If you look at Rajaei Shahr prison on a satellite map, you will find it.

27. [The authorities] built another building in Rajaei Shahr prison for women. But later they decided to transfer the women [prisoners] to Varamin and Evin prisons. So this ward was allocated to some prisoners who were transferred from Evin to Rajaei Shahr prison. The prisoners are very unhappy about this ward. I have not yet had the chance to talk to someone who has been in that ward. The prisoners who have talked to me have heard about this ward from others. Based on what I have heard this ward is worse than the old buildings. Instead of improving, that ward has only gotten worse.

28. The phrase used by the authorities for a ward is andarzgah [literally translated into “house of advice]. If in the Prison Organization website you found “andarzgah” it actually means ward. But we used the term “ward” so that we do not use their phrase. Ward 5 houses the youth. Based on the information I have, there are more than 170 or 180 inmates on death row in that ward. Those prisoners were under the age of 18 when they committed a crime but nonetheless have been sentenced to death. We have not been able to obtain their actual names. All three floors hold teenagers and youth under 25.

29. Hall 10 of ward 4 holds Sunni prisoners. For the first time in Iran prisoners have been segregated based on their religion. This started in 2011, and [at the time] prison authorities claimed [the segregation was on account of] al-Qaeda prisoners. They transferred al-Qaeda prisoners and all Sunni prisoners in Rajaei Shahr to hall 10. This was a bit strange for us. Many Sunni prisoners who were there for common crimes such as drugs or murder left that ward on their own request. They could not live with al-Qaeda prisoners. Also many Sunni Kurd prisoners, who were supporters of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan, requested to be transferred back to hall 12. Hall 10 still houses al-Qaeda and Jondollah prisoners.

Hall 12 of Rajaee Shahr Prison

30. Now in respect to hall 12… In 2010 they transferred some political prisoners, including several of those arrested in 2009, to rooms referred to as hosseinieh. These were dining halls located at the end of each ward. [The authorities] placed about 10 to 15 political prisoners in that room. These rooms had decent facilities for the political prisoners who had been arrested in 2009. They slowly started placing other prisoners there; including supporters of the Mojahedin Khalgh Organization. Mansour Osanlou, a labor activist, and I were also transferred there. Lots of information was leaked to the outside from that room.

31. I remember that the prison intelligence chief once told us, “You are now sending information out through the internet.” They believed that we had cell phones and that we had access to the internet. He told us that he had a plan for us. I should note that a week before that they had installed cell phone jamming devices so that no one could call outside.

32. One day they took all of us to hall 12 of ward 4. They brought all the political prisoners in Rajaei Shahr, including Bahá’ís and Kurds. They even brought al-Qaeda prisoners. They shut down the phone room. However, a number of prisoners had been able to open the door and call outside a couple of times. Later on they removed the phones entirely. They also ended in-person visits, and going to the hospital became conditioned on obtaining the permission of the prosecutor’s office. I believe this was the cause of Mohsen Dokmechi’s death.

33. The situation became more tough. Each ward has its own recess time. Each ward had three floors. We were in hall 12 on the ground floor. Since our ward was separated from three other wards, its recess had become more restricted. Our daily recess was 2 hours, but it could increase depending on the prisoners’ haggling. The recess issue was a bit annoying. But the good thing about this ward was that the number of prisoners was very low. While other halls at times housed 600 to 700 prisoners, our hall, which housed 50 people, was more like a park.

34. Another problem in hall 12 was that its door was always closed. If a prisoner became ill, opening the door was difficult, especially during the night. On a number of occasions prison guards beat political prisoners over this issue.

The Social Dynamics at Rajaei Shahr Prison

35. It is useful to discuss the social dynamics inside the wards that are considered dangerous. There are wards known as “death-sentence wards” and “life wards,” and they house common criminals. In Rajaei Shahr these prisoners have their own special customs. For example, they had an un-elected council, and all prisoners knew that only one of those three or four inmates could help them if they had a problem. If someone was bullied, this council was the only recourse. These inmates were ward elders. This was complex and, at the same time, a beautiful phenomenon.

36. I never saw anyone bullying someone else in these wards. Although we refer to these inmates as criminals, they ran their ward much better than an advanced society with intellectuals. They made their own laws and ran their wards. Even guards did not dare go into those wards alone and search a room, because they were afraid they could be beaten. In such a ward everyone was on death row and nothing would change for them.

37. Another interesting thing that I observed was a phenomenon called “taking.” It is good to talk about this “taking”. There were prisoners who were sentenced to death. Now, if someone was arrested for a crime such as possessing 30 grams of heroin, which carries the death sentence in Iran, a “taker” would step forward and take responsibility for the crime in exchange for 500,000 tomans, a refrigerator or a TV or something like that. On one occasion I saw the file of someone who had 23 death sentences. One of them was his own file—but he had “taken” the rest. The taker knows that he will be executed, but this way he will make some money while he is in prison. He continues doing this until he is executed.

38. The only social problem that existed in these wards was intravenous drug use. There were some intravenous users who didn’t practice good hygiene. There were some mentally ill patients who were on medication and could not take care of themselves. Some even had difficulty eating. [The prison authorities] kept them with other prisoners. There were some prisoners who had not taken a shower in years because there was no one to take them, and now they had sores all over their bodies. Some slept on the floor during the recess, and all their bodies were blistered by lice. The psychologically ill inmates really bothered other prisoners, and they were a real problem for hygiene conditions in the prison. Unfortunately the government sends these individuals to prison instead of mental health facilities. There are many of them in prisons. The criminals that the Iranian police are able to catch are mostly these individuals.

39. Most ordinary prisoners respected political prisoners. But the dynamics of the ward are also important. In 2006-07 there were six of us, and we were transferred to the “House of Quran” ward. The prisoners in that ward were different. Most inmates in that ward had agreed to memorize the Quran in order to be paroled or gain other advantages in prison. They would do anything. The prisoners followed everything the prison authorities asked them [to do].  With the exception of the “House of Quran” ward, the relations between political prisoners and other inmates were great in the other wards. Other inmates respected political prisoners tremendously.

40. Whenever a political prisoner went to the ward of common criminals in Rajaei Shahr prison, the political prisoner would almost certainly not sleep on the floor. Other prisoners gave their beds to political prisoners out of respect.

41. In my experience the best place to serve time is with common criminals who are on death row. They have reached the end of the line, and they have no hope of getting out. They also have nothing to gain from the authorities. They know that this is their last home, and they try to enjoy their lives. They try to make the rules in a way that makes life easy for everyone. Overall living with the prisoners on death row is enjoyable.

Prison Authorities

42. [Let’s talk] about the Rajaei Shahr prison authorities whom I met during these 10 years. I was in Evin for a short time too so let’s start from Evin. The first name that comes to mind is Momeni. I still come across his name in the news, especially because he takes action against political prisoners. Momeni was the internal manager of Evin prison and still holds the same post. Based on what I hear, he is still very tough on political prisoners. I have read that he beat three political prisoners to force them to wear prison uniforms before sending them to trial.

43. I remember the names of a number of Rajaei Shahr prison officials. One of them is Hasan Akharian, whose name appears in the latest list of European Union sanctions [against Iranian officials]. He was the ward chief, and he severely beat the prisoners. It was during that period that two videos on the torture of prisoners in Rajaei Shahr were released. After those videos came out and complaints were lodged, he was promoted and put in charge of the sentence enforcement office at Evin prison.

44. Farajnejad is another prison official who now heads the intelligence office at Evin prison. He was also involved in subduing both common and political prisoners. He is the person responsible for most trumped up charges against prisoners. Farajnejad is the only reason that Mr. Arjang Davoudi [a political prisoner] is in Evin prison now. Mr. Davoudi complained against Mr. Farajnejad once. Farajnejad retaliated by fabricating allegations against Mr. Davoudi. Farajnejad is one of the most despicable figures in Rajaee Shahr prison.

45. Mardani is the new chief of Rajaei Shahr prison, and his picture is available. He forbade the entry of clothes into the prison. Prisoners were no longer able to bring clothes from outside. He was also very strict on solitary confinement. He has given his subordinates the authority to do as they wish with the inmates. He implemented an austerity program to deal with a budget deficit. The quality of the food has declined, and the medical facility rarely prescribes any medication. I do not know whether it is due to his incompetence that he has not been able to get money, or whether this problem is the fault of the government. He puts a lot of pressure on prisoners due to the budget cuts.

Rajaei Shahr Prison Shop

46. Let me share something about the prison shop. Many of the items are not available at all times. Some of the items are deficient. They charge much more than the fair market value of the items, because the shop is now run privately. For an item that costs 8,000 tomans they charge 10,000. The inmates are willing to pay the additional price, but the items are not always available. Sometimes they do not have rice for six months. Sometimes there is no tea, sugar cubes, or tuna.

Rajaee Shahr Prison Kitchen

47. One of the things I forgot to mention is the prison kitchen. In 2004 they installed natural gas piping in the prison. They built kitchens, and put a number of burners in each ward. This was a big help. The inmates who suffered from malnutrition and only had access to prison food could now boil an egg or cook for themselves. They could use the stoves to recook the prison food. These kitchen were built in 2004 and improved our situation in prison. Fortunately the kitchens are still there.

Rajaei Shahr Prison Visits

48. In-person and conjugal visits for political prisoners have stopped. A “cabin” meeting is when an inmate can only see his family through a glass window and talk to them with a phone.

49. In an in-person meeting the inmate can sit next to his family without the glass separating them. Now they have built a wall in the in-person visitation room and inmates can no longer embrace their families. The family of political prisoners can have an in-person visit if they can obtain permission from the prosecutor’s office. But the monthly in-person visits are over.

50. There is also the conjugal visit. Depending on prison conditions married prisoners were previously allowed one conjugal visit per month or once every two months. The prisoner could be with his wife for two hours. Political prisoners are now deprived of this two-hour conjugal visit. This is another instance of discrimination against political prisoners.

Rajaee Shahr Prison Library

51. Another issue for the political prisoners is the library. There is a small library near the entrance of every ward. These libraries contain 300 to 400 books which have been selected at random. The inmates who like to read can ask the prison authorities to use the main library. But after [June] 2009, political prisoners were no longer allowed to use the main library.

Continuing Education in the Rajaee Shahr Prison

52. One can continue his or her education in prison. In 2003 an educational institution called Hazrat-e Ebrahim was established near the movie theatre. I can show it on satellite images. This institution had classes from elementary school through high school. For higher education Payam-e Nour was available. This system has been running since 2003. [Instructors] came from the Payam-e Nour institution to administer tests in prison. After 2008, political prisoners were prohibited from using the Payam-e Nour institute.  Even prisoners who were already enrolled, like Missagh Yazdannejad and Saeed Masouri, were not allowed to finish their studies.

My Memories of Executed Inmates

53. One of my memories is of Farzad Kamangar. They took him to the House of Quran ward. At that time five other political prisoners and I were in a secondary room in that ward. At the beginning of each hall, which had 40 solitary cells, there was a 10-20 square meter room which was referred to as the ward secondary room. It had a toilet and a shower. The six of us were there one day when we saw that Farzad, Ali Haidarian and Farhad Vakili were brought to House of Quran ward. The inmates transferred there from other wards were forced to attend Quran classes and group prayers. Farzad Kamangar, Farhad and Ali did not agree to attend the Quran class and the group prayer. When they refused to attend the religious services, three days later they were ordered to be transferred out.

54. We became good friends with them, and asked them to join us in our room. We decided to close the door and not let the authorities take them. We had a bench like the ones in schools. We placed the bench behind the door. The officials came and told us to let them take the three of them. We told them that we will not let them go, and that we wanted to meet the prison chief. We went on a strike to see him. He was away at that time, maybe he had gone to Mecca. He did not return until three days later. We continued doing this until 11 pm or midnight. The bench was behind the door and someone was sitting on it until 11pm. At that time we thought they had given up, and we went to sleep.

55. I was about to fall asleep when they suddenly broke the door and twenty soldiers rushed into the room. My bed was on the third bunk, and I did not have the time to climb down from my bed. I saw that they took Farzad, Ali Haidarian, and Farhad Vakili, handcuffed them, put them in shackles, and tied the handcuffs and shackles together. Then they took them away, and we were not able to do anything. This was my memory of Farzad Kamangar.

56. I also have an interesting memory of Mehdi Eslamian. I have shared it in many different places. Mehdi was a very simple guy. His brother was involved in a bombing in Shiraz. His brother was a member of the Royalist Association and had a political motivation for bombing a hosseinieh in Shiraz. Mehdi, however, was a taxi driver and did not have a clue about politics. He was 22, and he was earning a living. When Mehdi’s brother learned that he was being pursued, he came to Mehdi and asked for his help. The only thing Mehdi did was that he gave 200,000 tomans to his brother. When they arrested Mehdi’s brother, they arrested Mehdi as well. In his confessions, Mehdi’s brother stated that Mehdi had given him 200,000 tomans. They arrested Mehdi, and they executed him for the 200,000 tomans he had given his brother.

57. I should note that Mehdi’s case was on appeal when they executed him. His lawyer was Khalil Bahramian. He was not supposed to be executed. Even if the appeals court upheld his death sentence, he could have appealed to the Supreme Court. A lot of procedural steps had to be taken before he could be executed. But they executed him along with Farzad Kamangar, Farhad Vakili, Ali Haidarian and Shirin Alamhooli.  This was after the 2009 uprising, and they wanted to intimidate the people. Mehdi was sacrificed. He was the most innocent person I knew.

58. I want to tell you how they took Mehdi Eslamian to be executed. I mentioned Hassan Akharian earlier. He was in charge of our ward. He beat the inmates and treated them in an inhumane manner. Anytime he beat someone, I sent that information out. He realized that I was the one who leaked the information.  He called me in one day. He wanted to bribe me so that I would stop. He said, “Why are you doing this? I want to put you in charge of the prison medical facility.”

59. Being in charge of the medical facility was a high-income position, because that person could leave the ward. Body building drugs, cell phones, and metallic goods were in demand in prison. Akharian knew that being in charge of the medical facility was a coveted position that inmates fought over. He wanted me to take this position, and, in return [for the job], [he expected me to] stop sending information to the outside. I told him I was too busy to take this position, but I suggested Mehdi for that position. Mehdi came from a very poor family. Akharian accepted, believing that I would stop sending information out. He told me that he would talk to Mehdi. I returned to the ward. During lunch I told Mehdi that he would be placed in charge of the medical facility.

60. Then suddenly they called Mehdi’s name over the PA system. He had not finished his lunch yet. He said that either, after months, his mother had come to visit him from Shiraz, or that they wanted to talk to him about the medical facility position. He said that either way he had to look good. He put on his best clothes. He even wore cologne. He went to the prison authorities. I kept his food in the fridge. But he did not come back. We got worried. I called my friends to see what was going on. We could not do anything.  I heard the news of his execution the next day at noon. His food was still in the fridge.

61. Another memory I want to share is about the first friend of mine who was executed. When we were arrested in 1999 they took us to the Tohid detention center. That building was built during the Second World War. It was a very frightening detention center. Or maybe I felt that way because it was my first time being arrested. I was transferred to Evin prison after two months.  That was on September 1, 1999. Since I was born in 1978 they sent me to the youth ward. I was 20 years old. At that time it was called ward 295. Now it is called ward 350.

62. In that ward I had a friend named Davood Sangini Zak. He was charged with killing a police officer during an armed robbery. Davood was my first friend who was executed. His execution really had a negative impact on me. I had asked my mother to follow up his case. I met his sisters the last time Davood and I had visitors, and my mother had gotten to know his sisters. My mom was supposed to go to north of Iran with her sisters on the same day. They wanted to speak with the family of the victim and ask them to spare Davood’s life. On that day they transferred me to Rajaee Shahr prison, and they took Davood to Ghasr prison for his execution. They took us in the same car. We said good-bye at the gate of Ghasr prison.

63. The execution of Davood negatively affected me. My mother later told me that they were told that Davood would be executed on the same day, and that they did not go to see the victim’s family after all. My mother shared this part with me. She also told me that they had gone to Ghasr prison on the next two days. On the first day, they lashed him. I think he was sentenced to 160 lashes. There are two kinds of lashing in Iran. One is Ta’ziri [based on the civil law], and the other is Hadd [based on Shari’a]. Lashing based on Shari’a is more harsh. I think he was given 80 lashes, two times over, which becomes 160 lashes totally. My mother told me that they had whipped him so hard that the person washing his body had broken into tears. This is what happened to my first friend who was executed. Maybe he had it better than me. He went to Ghasr prison and got executed, and I went to Rajaee Shahr….I don’t know.

Mother’s Death

64. During the second half of 2003 my mother was no longer able to come visit me. She was suffering from breast cancer and was hospitalized. After she was not able to visit me, I found out that she has cancer. My sister came [to visit] instead. I requested leave [from prison] so that I could visit my mother. They didn’t agree to it. My sentence was reduced from 8 years to 4 years and was about to end. My mother passed away exactly 42 days before my release, but they didn’t grant me leave so that I could participate in her memorial service. I was released two days after the 40^th day ceremony after her passing.

The Cost of Not Staying Silent

65. I tend to laugh about all the problems I face in life. I try to have a positive outlook on all the hardships I have suffered in the past 11 years. I feel that if I did not do what I did I would be no different from those who cooperate with this regime or remain silent about its crimes. I am happy that I was not silent even if I paid a price.

Source

________________________________________

Nom :    Behrouz Djavid Tehrani

Né à :   Téhéran, Iran

Né le :   26 Décembre 1978

Profession:  Journaliste

________________________________________

Interviewer :   Iran Human Rights Documentation Center (IHRDC)

Date de l’Interview:  11 Octobre 2012

Behrouz Javid Tehrani

Je m’appelle Behrouz Djavid Tehrani. En 1999, j’étudiais l’agronomie. Quand j’ai entendu parler de l’attaque contre la cité universitaire [de l’université de Téhéran], j’ai participé aux manifestations et j’ai été arrêté. J’ai passé quatre ans en prison pour y avoir participé J’ai bien sûr passé plus de trois ans et demi à la prison Redjaï Shahr de Karaj. J’ai continué à militer après ma libération et j’ai de nouveau été arrêté en 2006. J’ai alors été condamné à sept ans de prison. Entre ces deux arrestations, j’ai également été détenu pendant cinq mois. J’ai été libéré en 2011 car ces cinq mois ont été défalqués de ma peine. En tout, je suis resté en prison pendant 11 ans dont plus de 10 à la prison Redjaï Shahr de Karaj.

Circonstances de l’arrestation

Le [jeudi] 9 juillet 2009, j’ai décidé de participer aux manifestations prévues après avoir entendu parler de l’attaque contre la cité universitaire sur des radios étrangères. J’y suis allé le samedi matin ainsi que le dimanche et le lundi. Lundi, les affrontements ont redoublé d’intensité et la police a attaqué les étudiants avec des gaz lacrymogènes et des sprays au poivre ; elle a battu les manifestants avec des matraques et des Tazers. Les manifestants étudiants ont mis le feu à un bus près de la place Vali Asr. Immédiatement, on m’a jeté une pierre qui m’a durement atteint à la tête. Le sang coulait sur mon visage et je me suis rendu dans les petites rues adjacentes pour me laver le visage.

A mon retour, je me suis retrouvé pris en sandwich entre deux groupes de police anti-émeute, l’un au nord de la place et l’autre au sud, il me fallait décider où aller. Je me suis décidé pour le sud. Il y avait de la police partout. Le boulevard Keshavarz était aussi plein de forces de police ; je me suis mis à marcher calmement vers le sud comme s’il ne se passait rien mais mon visage trahissait les circonstances exceptionnelles. Quand je suis arrivé sur la place, on m’a poussé par derrière. Devant moi, il y avait une chaîne par-dessus laquelle j’ai dû sauter. En me retournant, j’ai vu des policiers en civil qui m’ont arrêté sur place. Je pense que ma blessure au visage m’avait fait remarquer ; mon visage était gonflé et blessé, même après l’avoir lavé, ce qui avait arrêté l’hémorragie.

Détention, interrogatoires et torture

Les circonstances de mon arrestation et de mes interrogatoires en 2006 sont également intéressantes. Un après-midi, je me reposais chez moi quand on a fracturé la porte et envahi la maison. On a perquisitionné partout, on a pris des objets personnels, des dossiers, des documents et mes photos de famille que je ne pourrai jamais remplacer. On m’a même battu chez moi.

A cette époque j’habitais avec Keyvan Rafi’i et il était à la maison. Lui aussi a été battu. Nous avons porté plainte contre les agents du ministère du renseignement qui nous avaient battus, ce qui n’a mené à rien. J’ai également été battu pendant les interrogatoires. En 2006, j’ai même eu une côte de cassée.

A l’été 2011, alors que Monsieur Dokmetchi était malade, nous l’avons filmé. Ma voix était enregistrée sur cette vidéo, on m’a alors emmené avec trois autres prisonniers au bloc 240 de la prison d’Evine qui est sous la juridiction du ministère du renseignement et non sous celle de l’administration des prisons. J’y suis resté à l’isolement pendant tout l’été.

Là-bas, j’ai souvent été battu. Ce qui m’a le plus affecté, l’une des pires tortures auxquelles je puisse penser : on m’a entravé les pieds et les mains puis on a  voulu me bâillonner. J’ai serré les mâchoires avant. L’un des gardes du 209 m’a donné un coup de poing dans la poitrine mais je n’ai pas desserré les dents. Il a alors commencé à sauter à pieds joints sur ma poitrine, ce qui m’a cassé trois côtes ; j’ai ouvert la bouche et il m’a bâillonné. Ils ont attaché mes entraves aux pieds et aux mains ensemble et je suis resté couché sur ma poitrine brisée jusqu’au matin. Les menottes et les entraves aux pieds sont les tortures les pires que j’ai subies ; c’est usant et on ne peut plus du tout bouger.

Le procès de Behrouz Djavid Tehrani

Mon [premier] procès a eu lieu en 1999 devant la 26ème chambre. Je n’ai vu et parlé avec le juge que pendant cinq minutes et il m’a condamné à huit ans de prison. On a fini par amnistier les prisonniers arrêtés pour les manifestations du 9 juillet 1999 et ma peine a été réduite à quatre ans. Lors de mon nouveau procès, en 2006, après deux ou trois arrestations, le juge m’a demandé : « Votre peine a été réduite à quatre ans à cause d’une liberté conditionnelle ? » Je lui ai répondu : « Ce n’était pas une liberté conditionnelle, c’était l’amnistie du guide suprême pour tous ceux qui avaient été arrêtés suite aux manifestations du 9 juillet 2009 » Il m’a dit : « Je vais m’assurer que vous passiez bien ces quatre ans en prison. »

Le juge m’a condamné à sept ans de prison, réduits à trois ans en appel. C’était par le juge Zargar qui est le pire juge de cour d’appel ; il a cependant réduit ma peine. Mais on a de nouveau fabriqué des accusations pour me donner quatre ans de plus, ce qui veut dire que le juge Haddad était arrivé à ses fins et que j’ai passé en prison quatre ans de plus pour compenser la réduction de quatre ans de ma peine précédente.

Je n’ai pas été condamné pour des faits précis mais parce que le tribunal révolutionnaire du ministère du renseignement m’en voulait. En 2006, mon avocat m’a même dit que le seul chef d’accusation était propagande contre le système. Mon avocat, maître Behrouz Bigverdi, m’a représenté gratuitement. Quand j’ai eu purgé trois ans, ils en ont ajouté quatre autres pour les quatre ans qui avaient été amnistiés précédemment. Parce que ces quatre ans avaient été effacés par erreur.

La prison de Redjaï Shahr

Pour expliquer les conditions prévalant à la prison de Redjaï Shahr, il faut comparer celles de l’époque réformiste et celles qui ont suivi. Il est à noter que la prison de Redjaï Shahr était en retard sur le reste du pays que ce soit au début de la réforme ou à sa fin. A notre entrée à Redjaï Shahr en 2000, elle était dans le même état que dans les années 80s. Les uniformes étaient fournis par le gouvernement, les cheveux étaient tondus, les prisonniers battus et les conversations téléphoniques étaient limitées à cinq minutes tous les deux mois quand il y en avait. Les bâtiments étaient surpeuplés, l’hygiène inexistant, les prisonniers n’étaient pas séparés en fonction de leurs crimes, les détenus étaient envoyés à l’isolement pendant de longues périodes pour des infractions commises dans les bâtiments.

Les choses ont commencé à changer en 2001. Les conversations téléphoniques sont devenues mensuelles puis hebdomadaires, puis plusieurs fois par semaine en enfin quotidiennes. Nous n’étions plus obligés de porter l’uniforme, nous pouvions apporter des vêtements de l’extérieur et nous pouvions les laver. On a même apporté des tapis pour couvrir le sol, et des lits ; les livres ont été autorisés, la presse est arrivée régulièrement. En fait, la prison était devenue vivable. Ce processus s’est prolongé jusqu’à fin 2003. Il y avait très peu de prisonniers politiques à Redjaï Shahr ; en dehors d’un groupe de 20 à 30 derviches qui avaient été arrêtés ensemble, j’étais le seul prisonnier politique.

J’ai été libéré en 2003. Quand je suis revenu à Redjaï Shahr en 2006, Monsieur Khatami n’était plus aux affaires et les contraintes sur les prisonniers étaient de retour. De nouveau des passages à tabac et l’emprisonnement à l’isolement mais tous ces changements ont eu lieu très progressivement. On a commencé par retirer les murs entre les cellules et on a renommé les cellules des « appartements ». Il y avait des toilettes et une douche dans ces pièces. C’est comme ça qu’ils ont remis en place l’emprisonnement à l’isolement. Puis, ils ont ouvert la section 2 du hall 1, connue sous le nom de « niche ». Là, les cellules sont équipées de caméras, elles ont aveugles, les fenêtres étant murées. Il n’y a qu’un petit vasistas grillagé. Le prisonnier n’a que deux couvertures et il est très peu nourri. Ils ont rouvert la niche en 2008. On y envoyait les prisonniers qui avaient commis une infraction ou que les autorités n’aimaient pas.

Le dispensaire de la prison de Redjaï Shahr

Je veux parler du dispensaire de Radjaï Shahr. Là aussi, les conditions ont changé au cours du temps. Elles ont commencé par s’améliorer puis se sont détériorées. A l’époque des réformistes, le dispensaire s’est amélioré et il fournissait les médicaments dont les prisonniers avaient besoin. Il y avait même des médicaments « de luxe » comme des vitamines ou des médicaments pour les problèmes cutanés qui venaient de l’extérieur. Si les médicaments étaient trop chers, les familles apportaient les médicaments prescrits par l’ordonnance en prison. Quand les conditions se sont détériorées, le dispensaire a limité les médicaments nécessaires aux prisonniers.

La prison qui abritait au minimum 3500 prisonniers a manqué plusieurs fois d’antibiotiques pendant deux mois. Par exemple, si le médecin prescrivait 30 cachets, la pharmacie n’en fournissait que 15 en disant que c’était tout ce qu’elle avait. A cette époque, apporter des médicaments de l’extérieur est devenu également difficile.

Je me suis plusieurs fois plaint de ne pas recevoir les médicaments qui m’étaient prescrit. Quelquefois, on ordonnait aux médecins de ne pas prescrire tel ou tel médicament. D’autres fois, le médecin prétendait que les médicaments n’étaient pas disponibles et qu’il n’y pouvait rien. Voilà l’état du dispensaire.

Quand la situation de la prison s’est déteriorée, consulter à l’extérieur de la prison est également devenu plus difficile. Après 2009, une loi a été votée qui requerrait l’autorisation du procureur à chaque fois qu’un prisonnier politique voulait quitter la prison, ce qui a augmenté les difficultés des prisonniers politiques.

Djafar Eghdami, l’un de mes amis, un prisonnier politique, a tenté de résoudre un problème neurologique pendant environ un an mais, à chaque fois qu’il voulait se rendre à l’hôpital pour un test neurologique ou musculaire, lui et sa famille devaient franchir des barrières bureaucratiques pendant six mois. Quand enfin ils se rendaient à l’hôpital, le médecin n’était pas présent, ce qui voulait dire qu’il leur faudrait redemander une autorisation pour se rendre à l’hôpital.

C’est ce qui est aussi arrivé à Monsieur Mohsen Dokmetchi. Il était malade mais on refusait de l’emmener à l’hôpital. On a attendu très longtemps et quand on l’a emmené, il était menotté et les pieds entravés pendant sa chimiothérapie. Il a dit qu’il ne pouvait pas continuer sa chimiothérapie pieds et poings liés et il est revenu en prison. Il devait utiliser les toilettes fréquemment durant sa chimiothérapie et les gardes, à l’hôpital, ne lui retirait pas ses entraves pour se rendre aux toilettes.

L’isolement à la prison de Redjaï Shahr

Quand Shahroudi est entré en fonction, il a mis les cellules d’isolement hors la loi. Ils ont commencé par créer les « appartements ». Ils ont retiré les murs entre des cellules adjacentes, ont ajouté une douche et des toilettes et les ont appelé « appartements ». C’était un piège car ils ont prétendu qu’il n’y avait plus de cellules d’isolement en république islamique et que les détenus vivaient dans des appartements. C’est aussi ce qui s’est passé au bâtiment 209. Ils ont retiré les murs entre les cellules d’isolement du 209 et ont créé des appartements, comme ceux de Redjaï Shahr, sauf qu’il n’y avait pas de douches. Je voudrais ajouter que le bâtiment 209, où on avait enlevé les murs, a manqué de cellules en 2009 quand le nombre de détenus a augmenté. Ils ont donc pris l’un des étages du bâtiment 240.

C’est pourquoi on a parfois entendu dire  que le ministère du renseignement avait emmené quelqu’un au bâtiment 240. Il y a environ 80 cellules par étage en forme de L du bâtiment  240. L’administration de cet étage a été transférée de l’organisation des prisons au ministère du renseignement. Les gens emprisonnés dans le passé n’ont pas compris quand ils entendaient dire que quelqu’un était emmené au bâtiment 240. Ils pensaient qu’il était dans une cellule d’isolement administrée par l’organisation des prisons, mais en fait cet étage du bâtiment  240 est administré par le ministère du renseignement.

La situation s’est dégradée de jour en jour. On a été jusqu’à briser les bras et les jambes de deux prisonniers en les battant. On en a même violé un avec une matraque. Nous avons réalisé une vidéo après leur libération qui montrait leurs blessures ; cette vidéo est visible sur Internet. Après la publication de cette vidéo, les passages à tabac ont cessé. On avait peur que davantage de vidéos de ce genre ne fuitent. Ils ont donc commencé à battre la plante des pieds des prisonniers et c’est vite devenu une habitude. Juste avant ma libération, frapper la plante des pieds était aussi habituel que dans les anciennes écoles iraniennes. Mais ils n’utilisaient pas de baguettes mais des tuyaux d’arrosage blancs, en Iran, on les appelle verts mais en fait ils sont blancs. Ces tuyaux font très mal. Ils font beaucoup plus mal que les matraques normales. Les bastonnades étaient très dures en 2007. A cette époque, les téléphones portables n’avaient pas encore été introduits clandestinement dans la prison.

Il m’est arrivé, alors que j’étais à l’isolement, de me disputer avec un garde. On m’a menotté et bandé les yeux, entravé les pieds et commencé à me battre. L’un me battait les genoux et les mollets ce qui m’a fait me plier de douleur. L’autre me battait alors le dos, et je me relevais de douleur. Et cela a duré plus d’une demi-heure. Je me suis jeté sur le sol, mais ils ont continué à me battre, Dieu merci avec des matraques normales. Je remercie toujours Dieu qu’ils n’aient pas utilisé de tuyaux ce jour-là, car les tuyaux brisent les os. Le passage à tabac des prisonniers est devenu un vrai problème. Quand il a commencé, les autres maltraitances ont également augmenté. Quand un garde peut faire ce qu’il veut, il ne se soucie pas de traiter un prisonnier avec respect. Il dit ce qu’il veut aux prisonniers.

Les bâtiments de Redjaï Shahr

Il y a 24 salles à la prison de Redjaï Shahr. Chaque bâtiment comporte trois salles. Il y a huit bâtiments dont l’un sous la responsabilité du ministère du renseignement. Mais ce bâtiment est appelé le bâtiment des gardes révolutionnaires. C’est le bâtiment 8.

Le bâtiment 7 de la prison de Redjaï Shahr était jadis réservé aux femmes. Mais on envoie désormais les prisonnières à la prison de Varamine ou à Evine. Ce bâtiment est maintenant réservé aux malades mentaux. Au lieu d’envoyer les malades mentaux dans un hôpital psychiatrique, on s’en débarrasse ici. Ce bâtiment est dans une situation horrible car beaucoup de patients n’arrivent pas à manger proprement ou à se laver.

Après ma libération, on a construit un nouveau bâtiment en dehors de l’enceinte de la prison. On l’appelle le bâtiment 10. Si Google Earth est mis à jour, on pourra le repérer. Au départ, ce devait être un bâtiment réservé aux femmes, mais il a plus tard changé d’affectation. C’est l’un des pires. J’ai pris contact avec des prisonniers de Redjaï Shahr et ils m’ont dit que les cellules d’isolement étaient sombres et épouvantables. Ce bâtiment est séparé du corps principal de la prison de Redjaï Shahr. Si l’on observe la prison de Redjaï Shahr depuis un satellite, on le verra.

On a construit un autre bâtiment à la prison de Redjaï Shahr pour les femmes. Mais on a ensuite décidé de transférer les prisonnières aux prisons de Varamine et d’Evine. Alors ce bâtiment a abrité des prisonniers qui avaient été transférés de la prison d’Evine à celle de Redjaï Shahr. Les prisonniers n’aiment pas du tout ce bâtiment. Je n’ai pas encore réussi à parler à quelqu’un qui y ait été détenu. Ceux auxquels j’ai parlé en ont entendu parler par d’autres prisonniers. D’après ce que l’on m’a dit, ce bâtiment est pire que les anciens. Au lieu d’amélioration, c’est une détérioration.

Le mot utilisé par les autorités pour ce bâtiment est « andarzgah » [littéralement lieu de conseil]. Si sur le site de l’organisation des prisons vous trouvez « andarzgah », c’est de ce bâtiment dont il est question. Mais nous utilisions le mot de bâtiment pour ne pas utiliser les leurs. Le bâtiment 5 est réservé aux jeunes. D’après ce que je sais, il y a plus de 170 ou 180 condamnés à mort dans ce bâtiment. Ils avaient tous moins de 18 ans à l’époque de leurs forfaits mais ont quand même été condamnés à mort. Nous n’avons pas pu obtenir leurs vrais noms. Les trois étages abritent des jeunes de moins de 25 ans.

La salle 10 du bâtiment 4 est réservée aux prisonniers sunnites. Pour la première fois en Iran, des prisonniers sont séparés d’après leur religion. Cela a commencé en 2011 et les autorités de la prison prétendaient que c’était pour les prisonniers d’Al-Qaeda. Tous les prisonniers d’Al-Qaeda et tous les prisonniers sunnites ont été transférés dans la salle 10. Cela nous semblait un peu étrange. Plusieurs prisonniers sunnites condamnés dans des affaires de drogue ou de meurtre ont demandé d’eux-mêmes à quitter cette salle. Ils ne supportaient pas les prisonniers d’Al-Qaeda. Et beaucoup de prisonniers kurdes sunnites sympathisants du Parti Démocratique du Kurdistan Iranien ont demandé à retourner à la salle 12. La salle 10 abrite toujours les prisonniers d’Al-Qaeda et du Jondollah.

La salle 12 de la prison de Redjaï Shahr

Et maintenant la salle12. En 2010, on a transféré plusieurs prisonniers politiques, dont certains arrêtés en 2009, dans des salles appelées « hosseinieh ». Il s’agissait de réfectoires situés au bout de chaque bâtiment. On y a mis de 10 à 15 prisonniers politiques. Ces salles présentaient des conditions acceptables pour les prisonniers politiques arrêtés en 2009. Petit à petit d’autres prisonniers politiques y ont été transférés, donc des sympathisants de l’organisation des Moudjahidines Khalgh. Mansour Ossanlou, un syndicaliste et moi –même y avons aussi été transférés. Beaucoup d’informations sont sortis de cette salle.

Je me souviens que le responsable du renseignement dans la prison nous avait dit : « Maintenant vous envoyez des informations par internet. » Ils croyaient que nous avions des téléphones portables et que nous avions accès à Internet. Il nous a dit qu’il savait ce qu’il ferait de nous. Il faut noter qu’une semaine auparavant, on avait installé un dispositif de brouillage des téléphones portables et que personne ne pouvait plus appeler l’extérieur.

Un jour, on nous a tous emmenés dans la salle 12 du bâtiment 4, tous les prisonniers politiques de Redjaï Shahr, y compris les bahaïs et les Kurdes, même les prisonniers d’Al-Qaeda. Ils ont fermé la pièce où se trouvaient les téléphones. Cependant, certains prisonniers ont réussi à ouvrir la porte et à appeler l’extérieur une ou deux fois. Plus tard, ils ont carrément retiré les téléphones. Ils ont aussi mis fin aux visites et pour se rendre à l’hôpital, il fallait obtenir l’autorisation du bureau du procureur. Je crois que c’est ce qui a causé la mort de Mohsen Dokmetchi.

La situation a empiré. Chaque bâtiment avait son heure de promenade. Chaque bâtiment comporte trois étages. Nous étions tous dans la salle 12 du rez-de-chaussée. Comme notre bâtiment était séparé des trois autres, les heures de promenade s’en trouvaient réduites. Nous avions droit à deux heures de promenade, quelquefois plus si les prisonniers réussissaient à marchander. Ce problème de la promenade était un peu ennuyeux. Le bon côté de ce bâtiment, c’était qu’il comportait peu de prisonniers. Les autres salles pouvaient contenir jusqu’à 600 ou 700 prisonniers ; la nôtre n’en contenait que 50, un peu comme dans un parc.

Un autre problème de la salle 12 était que la porte était toujours fermée. Si un prisonnier était malade, obtenir l’ouverture de la porte était difficile, surtout la nuit. A plusieurs reprises, les prisonniers ont été battus par les gardes à cause de cela.

La dynamique sociale de la prison de Redjaï Shahr

Il faut évoquer la dynamique sociale dans les bâtiments ; elle est considérée comme dangereuse. Certains bâtiments sont nommés « le couloir de la mort » ou « perpétuité » ; ils abritent des prisonniers de droit commun. A Radjaï Shahr, ces prisonniers ont leurs propres coutumes. Par exemple, ils ont un conseil qui n’est pas élu et tous les prisonniers savent que ces trois ou quatre détenus sont les seuls à pouvoir les aider en cas de problème. Si quelqu’un était victime d’intimidation, le conseil était son seul recours. Ces détenus étaient les anciens du bâtiment. C’est un phénomène complexe et qui a aussi sa propre beauté.

Je n’ai jamais vu de tentative d’intimidation dans ces bâtiments, Même si nous traitons ces détenus de criminels, ils gouvernaient leurs bâtiments bien mieux qu’une société évoluée avec des intellectuels. Ils avaient leurs propres lois qui régissaient leurs bâtiments. Même les gardes n’osaient pas rentrer seuls dans ces bâtiments et fouiller une salle par peur d’être battus. Dans ces bâtiments, tous étaient condamnés à mort et plus rien ne leur importait.

J’ai observé un autre phénomène intéressant appelé les « preneurs ». Il faut parler des preneurs. Il s’agit de prisonniers condamnés à mort. Si quelqu’un est arrêté pour possession de 30 grammes d’héroïne, il est condamné à mort ; un « preneur » endossera la responsabilité de ce crime pour 500.000 tomans, un réfrigérateur, un poste de télé ou quelque chose d’équivalent. J’ai même vu le dossier de quelqu’un qui comportait 23 condamnations à mort. Une de ces condamnations était la sienne propre mais il avait « pris » le reste. Le « preneur » sait qu’il va être exécuté, mais il gagne ainsi de l’argent pendant son incarcération et il continue jusqu’à son exécution.

Le seul problème social qui existait dans ces bâtiments était l’usage de drogue par intraveineuse. Certains drogués n’avaient pas une bonne hygiène. Certains étaient des malades mentaux incapables de s’occuper d’eux-mêmes. Certains avaient du mal à manger. On les gardait avec les autres prisonniers. Certains n’avaient pas pris une douche depuis des années car il n’y avait personne pour les y emmener et ils avaient des plaies sur tout le corps. Certains dormaient à même le sol pendant la promenade ; ils avaient le corps boursouflé de vermine. Les détenus malades mentaux ennuyaient vraiment les autres prisonniers et ils créaient vraiment un problème pour l’hygiène de la prison. Malheureusement, le gouvernement les envoyait en prison plutôt qu’en hôpital psychiatrique. Il y en a beaucoup en prison. La plupart des criminels que la police iranienne réussit à arrêter sont de ce genre.

La plupart des prisonniers de droit commun respectaient les prisonniers politiques. Mais la dynamique du bâtiment est aussi importante. En 2006-2007, nous étions six et on nous a transféré au bâtiment appelé « maison du Coran ». Les prisonniers de ce bâtiment étaient différents. La plupart des détenus de ce bâtiment avaient accepté d’apprendre le Coran par cœur pour être obtenir une libération conditionnelle ou d’autres avantages en prison. Ils auraient fait n’importe quoi. Ils faisaient tout ce que les autorités de la prison leur demandaient de faire. A l’exception de la « maison du Coran », les relations entre les prisonniers politiques et les autres détenus étaient excellentes dans les autres bâtiments. Les autres détenus respectaient énormément les prisonniers politiques

Quand un prisonnier politique se rendait dans le bâtiment des criminels de droit commun de la prison de Redjaï Shahr, le prisonnier politique ne dormait jamais sur le sol. Les autres prisonniers lui offraient leurs lits en signe de respect.

De ma propre expérience, je dirais que le meilleur endroit pour purger sa peine est avec les condamnés à mort. Ils ont touché le fond et n’ont plus d’espoir de sortir. Ils n’attendent plus rien non plus des autorités. Ils savent qu’ils sont dans leur dernier domicile et cherchent à jouir au maximum du temps qu’il leur reste à vivre. Ils essaient de créer des règles qui rendent la vie plus douce à tous. En général, vivre avec ces prisonniers condamnés à mort est agréable.

La direction de la prison

Parlons de la direction de la prison de Redjaï Shahr que j’ai côtoyée pendant 10 ans. Je suis également un peu resté à Evine, alors, commençons par là. Le premier nom qui me vient à l’esprit est celui de Momeni. Je vois encore son nom aux informations, surtout parce qu’il est actif contre les prisonniers politiques. Momeni était le directeur de la prison d’Evine et l’est toujours. D’après ce que j’entends dire, il est toujours très dur avec les prisonniers politiques ; j’ai lu qu’il avait battu trois prisonniers politiques pour les forcer à porter l’uniforme de la prison avant de les envoyer au tribunal.

Je me souviens du nom de plusieurs officiels de la prison de Radjaï Shahr. L’un d’eux est Hassan Akharian ; son nom apparaît sur la dernière liste des sanctions européennes. Il était chef d’un bâtiment et battait sévèrement les prisonniers. C’est à cette époque que deux vidéos de prisonniers torturés à Redjaï Shahr sont sorties. Après leur publication, quand les plaintes ont été déposées, il a été promu et a été chargé du bureau de l’application des peines à la prison d’Evine.

Faradjnejad est un autre cadre de prison qui dirige maintenant le bureau du renseignement de la prison d’Evine. Il était chargé d’obtenir la soumission des prisonniers de droit commun et politiques. C’est le responsable des accusations les moins fondées contre les prisonniers. C’est uniquement à cause de lui que Monsieur Arjang Davoudi est maintenant à la prison d’Evine. Une fois, Monsieur Davoudi s’est plaint de Monsieur Faradjnejad. Faradjnejad s’est vengé en forgeant des accusations contre Monsieur Davoudi. Faradjnejad est l’une des personnalités les plus ignobles de la prison de Redjaï Shahr.

Mardani est le nouveau chef de la prison de Redjaï Shahr, on trouve facilement sa photo. C’est lui qui a interdit que l’on apporte des vêtements de l’extérieur de la prison. Les prisonniers ne le pouvaient plus. Il était aussi très strict sur l’emprisonnement à l’isolement. Il avait donné autorité à ses subordonnés pour agir envers les détenus comme il leur plaisait. Il a mis en place le programme d’austérité pour juguler le déficit budgétaire. La qualité de la nourriture s’est détériorée et le dispensaire ne prescrivait presque plus de médicaments. Je ne sais pas si le fait de ne pas obtenir de budget venait de son incompétence ou si c’était la faute du gouvernement. Il a mis beaucoup de pression sur les prisonniers à cause des coupes budgétaires.

La cantine de Redjaï Shahr

Parlons de la cantine de Redjaï Shahr. Beaucoup de choses n’étaient pas disponibles tout le temps. Il manquait toujours quelque chose. Les prix sont beaucoup plus élevés que sur le marché libre parce que c’est une entreprise privée. Si quelque chose coûte 8.000 tomans, c’est facturé 10.000 tomans. Les détenus sont prêts à payer le supplément mais les articles ne sont pas toujours disponibles. Quelquefois, ils n’ont pas de riz pendant six mois, d’autres fois, ils n’ont pas de thé, de sucre en morceaux ou de thon en boîte.

La cuisine de Redjaï Shahr

Une des choses que j’ai oublié de mentionner, c’est la cuisine de la prison. En 2004, on a installé le gaz dans la prison. On a construit des cuisines et mis plusieurs brûleurs dans chaque bâtiment. Cela a été très utile. Les détenus qui souffraient de malnutrition et devaient se contenter de la nourriture de la prison, pouvaient faire cuire un œuf ou se faire la cuisine. Ils utilisaient les gazinières pour recuire la nourriture de la prison. Ces cuisines ont été construites en 2004 et elles ont bien amélioré la situation de la prison. Heureusement, elles existent toujours.

Les visites à la prison de Redjaï Shahr

Les visites physiques et les visites conjugales ont cessé pour les prisonniers politiques. Lors d’une visite en « cabine », le détenu voit sa famille derrière des vitres et lui parle au moyen d’un téléphone.

Lors d’une visite physique, le détenu s’assoit près de sa famille sans en être séparé par une vitre ou lui parler par téléphone.

Désormais, on a construit un mur dans la salle des visites et les détenus ne peuvent plus embrasser les membres de leurs familles. La famille des prisonniers politiques peut obtenir une visite physique sur autorisation du procureur. Mais les visites physiques mensuelles n’ont plus cours.

Il y a aussi la visite conjugale. Suivant la situation de la prison, les prisonniers mariés avaient auparavant droit à une visite conjugale tous les mois ou tous les deux mois. Le prisonnier restait avec son épouse pendant deux heures. Les prisonniers politiques en sont désormais privés. C’est un autre exemple de discrimination contre les prisonniers politiques.

La bibliothèque de la prison de Redjaï Shahr

La bibliothèque constitue un autre problème pour les prisonniers politiques. Il existe une petite bibliothèque à l’entrée de chaque bâtiment. Ces bibliothèques contiennent de 300 à 400 livres sélectionnés au hasard. Les détenus qui aiment lire pouvaient demander à la direction de la prison d’utiliser la bibliothèque principale. Mais depuis 2009, les prisonniers politiques n’ont plus le droit d’utiliser la bibliothèque principale.

La poursuite des études à la prison de Redjaï Shahr

On peut poursuivre ses études en prison. En 2003, une institution pédagogique nommée Hazrat-e Ebrahim a été installée près du cinéma. Je peux vous la montrer sur les images satellite. Cette institution allait du cours élémentaire aux études supérieures. Au-delà, il y avait l’université Payam-é-Nour. Cette institution tournait depuis 2003. Les examinateurs venaient de l’université Payam-é-Nour. Après 2008, les prisonniers politiques n’ont plus eu le droit d’utiliser l’institut Payam-é-Nour ; même ceux qui étaient déjà inscrits comme Missagh Yazdannejad ou Saïd Massouri n’ont pas pu terminer leurs études.

Mes souvenirs des prisonniers exécutés

L’un d’eux est Farzad Kamangar. On l’a emmené dans le bâtiment de la maison du Coran. A cette époque, j’y étais dans une pièce annexe avec cinq autres prisonniers politiques. A l’entrée de chaque salle qui comportait 40 cellules d’isolement, il y avait une pièce de 10 à 20 m2 appelée l’annexe du bâtiment. Elle comportait des toilettes et une douche. Nous y étions tous les six depuis une journée quand nous avons vu qu’on emmenait Farzad, Ali Haidarian et Farhad Vakili à la maison du Coran. Les détenus qui y étaient transférés devaient assister aux cours de Coran et aux groupes de prières. Farzad Kamangar, Farhad et Ali le refusaient. Devant leur refus, on les a transférés ailleurs trois jours plus tard.

Nous sommes devenus très amis et leur avons demandé de nous rejoindre dans notre pièce. Nous avons décidé de fermer la porte et de ne pas laisser la direction les emmener. Nous avions un banc qui ressemblait à un banc d’école. Nous l’avons placé derrière la porte. La direction est venue et nous a dit de la laisser les emmener tous les trois. Nous leur avons répondu que nous ne les laisserions pas partir et que nous voulions rencontrer le directeur de la prison. Nous avons fait grève pour le voir. A cette époque, il n’était pas là, peut-être parti en pèlerinage à la Mecque. Il n’est revenu que trois jours plus tard. Nous avons continué jusqu’à 11 heures du soir ou minuit. Le banc était derrière la porte et il y avait quelqu’un d’assis dessus jusqu’à 11 heures. A cette heure-là, nous avons pensé que la direction avait abandonné et nous sommes allés nous coucher.

J’allais m’endormir quand la porte a brusquement été enfoncée et que vingt soldats se sont rués dans la pièce. Mon lit était sur la troisième couchette et je n’ai pas eu le temps d’en descendre. J’ai vu qu’on emmenait Farzad, Ali Haidarian et Farhad Vakili, qu’on les menottait, qu’on leur entravait les pieds et qu’on attachait ensemble les menottes et les entraves. On les a ensuite emmenés et nous n’avons rien pu faire. Voilà le souvenir que je garde de Farzad Kamangar.

Je me souviens également de Mehdi Eslamian. J’en ai parlé plusieurs fois. Mehdi était un homme très simple. Son frère était impliqué dans une affaire de bombe à Shiraz. Son frère était membre d’une association royaliste et avait l’intention de poser une bombe dans un hosseinieh de Shiraz. Mehdi quant à lui était chauffeur de taxi et n’entendait rien à la politique. Il avait 22 ans et il gagnait sa vie. Quand le frère de Mehdi a appris qu’il était recherché, il est venu voir Mehdi pour lui demander de l’aide. Mehdi n’a fait que donner 200.000 tomans à son frère. Quand le frère de Mehdi a été arrêté, lui aussi a été arrêté. Lors de ses aveux, le frère de Mehdi a déclaré que Mehdi lui avait donné 200.000 tomans. On a arrêté Mehdi et on l’a exécuté pour les 200.000 tomans qu’il avait donnés à son frère.

Lors de son exécution, le procès en appel n’avait pas encore eu lieu. Khalil Bahramian était son avocat et on ne devait pas l’exécuter. Et même si la cour d’appel avait confirmé le verdict, il pouvait se tourner vers la cour suprême. Il y avait encore beaucoup de procédures de recours avant qu’il ne soit exécuté. Il a quand même été exécuté avec Farzad Kamangar, Farhad Vakili, Ali Haidarian et Shirine Alamhouli. C’était après le soulèvement de 2009 et ils cherchaient à intimider le peuple. Mehdi a été sacrifié. C’est la personne la plus innocente que j’ai jamais connue.

Je vais vous raconter comment on a emmené Mehdi Eslamian vers son exécution. J’ai parlé auparavant de Hassan Akharian. Il était chargé de notre bâtiment. Il battait les prisonniers et les traitait de façon inhumaine. A chaque fois qu’il battait quelqu’un, je faisais sortir l’information. Il a compris que c’était moi qui organisais les fuites. Un jour, il m’a appelé. Il voulait me proposer de l’argent pour que j’arrête. Il m’a dit : « Pourquoi fais-tu cela ? Je veux te nommer à la direction du dispensaire de la prison. »

Etre chargé du dispensaire impliquait des revenus élevés car on pouvait quitter le bâtiment. On demandait beaucoup de médicaments de body building, de téléphones portables et de métal dans la prison. Akharian savait que la direction du dispensaire était une place très convoitée pour laquelle les détenus se battaient. Il voulait me donner la place pour qu’en échange j’arrête de faire sortir les informations. Je lui ai dit que j’étais trop occupé pour prendre cette place et je lui ai suggéré de plutôt la donner à Mehdi. Mehdi venait d’une famille très pauvre. Akharian a accepté en croyant que j’arrêterais de faire sortir les informations. Il m’a dit qu’il parlerait à Mehdi. Je suis rentré dans le bâtiment. Pendant le déjeuner, j’ai dit à Mehdi qu’il serait nommé à la tête du dispensaire.

Puis, soudain, on a appelé Mehdi au haut-parleur. Il n’avait pas encore fini de déjeuner. Il a dit que, soit sa mère était venue lui rendre visite depuis Shiraz, ce qui n’était pas arrivé depuis des mois, soit on voulait lui parler du poste au dispensaire. Il a dit que de toute façon, il devait bien présenter. Il a mis ses plus beaux vêtements, il a même mis de l’eau de Cologne et s’est rendu auprès de la direction de la prison. J’ai mis son repas au réfrigérateur. Mais il n’est pas revenu. Nous avons commencé à nous inquiéter. J’ai appelé mes amis pour savoir ce qui se passait. Nous ne pouvions rien faire. J’ai appris son exécution le lendemain midi. Son repas était encore au réfrigérateur.

Je veux aussi vous parler d’un de mes amis qui a été exécuté. Quand on nous a arrêtés en 1999, on nous a emmenés au centre de détention Tohid. Ce bâtiment a été construit pendant la seconde guerre mondiale et c’était un centre de détention effrayant. Ce n’est peut-être que ce que j’ai ressenti puisque c’était la première fois que je me retrouvais en prison. J’ai été transféré à Evine deux mois plus tard. C’était le 1er septembre 1999. Comme je suis natif de 1978, j’ai été envoyé au bâtiment des mineurs, j’avais 20 ans. A l’époque on l’appelait le bâtiment 295 mais maintenant on l’appelle le bâtiment 350.

Dans ce bâtiment, j’avais un ami, Davoud Sanguini Zak. Il était accusé d’avoir tué un policier lors d’un vol à main armée. Davoud est le premier de mes amis à avoir été exécuté. Son exécution a vraiment eu un impact négatif sur moi. J’avais demandé à ma mère de suivre le dossier. Lors de notre dernière visite, ma mère et moi avons rencontré les sœurs de Davoud. Ma mère devait se rendre au nord de l’Iran avec ses sœurs le même jour. Elles voulaient parler à la famille de la victime pour lui demander d’épargner la vie de Davoud. Le jour même, on m’a transféré à la prison de Redjaï Shahr et on a emmené Davoud à la prison de Ghasr pour l’exécuter. Ils nous ont emmenés dans la même voiture. Nous nous sommes fait nos adieux à la porte de la prison de Ghasr.

L’exécution de Davoud a eu un impact négatif sur moi. Ma mère m’a dit plus tard que finalement, elles n’étaient pas allées rencontrer la famille de la victime. Elle m’a aussi dit qu’elles s’étaient rendues à la prison de Ghasr les deux jours suivants. Le premier jour, on l’a fouetté. Je crois qu’il avait été condamné à 160 coups de fouet. Il y a deux sortes de coups de fouet en Iran : Ta’ziri et Hadd. La dernière, basée sur la Sharia est plus dure. Je crois qu’il a reçu 80 coups de fouet à chaque fois, soit 160 au total. Ma mère m’a dit qu’on l’avait fouetté si fort que la personne qui a fait sa toilette mortuaire en a pleuré. C’est ce qui est arrivé à mon premier ami à être exécuté. Peut-être a-t-il été plus heureux que moi. Il est allé à la prison de Ghasr et a été exécuté et je suis allé à la prison de Redjaï Shahr… Je ne sais pas.

La mort de ma mère

Pendant le deuxième semestre de 2003, ma mère n’a plus été à même de me rendre visite. Elle souffrait d’un cancer du sein et était hospitalisée. Je n’ai découvert son cancer que parce qu’elle a cessé de me rendre visite. Ma sœur l’a remplacée pour les visites. J’ai demandé une liberté provisoire pour aller la voir mais elle m’a été refusée. Ma peine avait été réduite de 8 à 4 ans et tirait à sa fin. Ma mère est décédée exactement 42 jours avant ma libération mais je n’ai pas eu la permission d’assister à ses obsèques. J’ai été libéré après le jour qui marquait le 40ème jour de son décès.

Le prix du refus du silence

J’ai tendance à rire de tous les problèmes qui m’arrivent. J’essaie de considérer positivement tout ce que j’ai enduré pendant ces 11 ans. Je sens qui si j’avais agi autrement, je ne serais pas différent de ceux qui coopèrent avec ce régime ou qui restent silencieux face à ses crimes. Je suis heureux de ne pas être resté silencieux, même si j’ai dû en payer le prix.

Source via IHRDC

Reblogged from Sen's daily:

Reblogged from Sen's daily:

PCED, December 15

Behnam Momtazi ( بهنام ممتازی ), a Bahai from Qazvin, was arrested on December 11. Security officers searched his home and confiscated some personal effects including books, CDs and a laptop, before arresting him. The charges against him are not known.

Short link: http://wp.me/pNMoJ-1A5

Older items can be found in the archive, here. Even older news is here.

Read more… 3 more words

Iranian rights activists, lawyer Nasrin Sotoudeh and film-maker Jafar Panahi, on Friday won the European Parliament’s Sakharov prize, just days after the EU tightened sanctions against Tehran.

The prize “is a message of solidarity and recognition to a woman and a man who have not been bowed by fear and intimidation and who have decided to put the fate of their country before their own,” said parliament president Martin Schulz.

Schulz urged the Iranian authorities to allow the pair to collect their prize in person in December at a parliament sitting in Strasbourg.

He also said a group of five MEPs due to fly to Iran on Sunday for a visit that has caused some controversy in Brussels would attempt to meet the two Sakharov prize-winners. If not they “will return immediately,” he said.

US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton congratulated the laureates and called on Tehran “to release Sotoudeh immediately, lift the restrictions and sentence on Panahi and release all political prisoners and others detained simply for their religious or political beliefs.”

In London, Amnesty International said Sotoudeh was in ill health due to a hunger strike and had been transferred to the medical facility of Tehran’s Evin prison on Monday.

The rights award comes on the heels of tough new European Union sanctions against Iran, aimed at forcing a breakthrough in talks between global powers and Tehran on its disputed nuclear programme.

After a biting oil embargo took effect in July, EU foreign ministers last week tightened the economic noose by targeting dealings with Iran’s banks, shipping and gas imports.

Welcoming the first award of the Sakharov prize by Iranian rights activists, centrist MEP and former Belgian premier Guy Verhofstadt said it came at the right time.

“In light of current developments it is also a timely moment,” he said.

“This award sends a strong message of support to all those fighting persecution in Iran every day: we recognise your struggle, we support your fight for basic human rights and we award your courage.”

The two Iranians were shortlisted for the prestigious 50,000-euro ($65,000) prize — whose past winners include Nelson Mandela and Kofi Annan — along with the jailed members of Russian all-girl punk band Pussy Riot, and Belarus dissident Ales Beliatsky.

Sotoudeh, a 47-year-old mother of two, is a leading human rights campaigner known for representing opposition activists thrown behind bars after Iran’s disputed June 2009 presidential elections, as well as juveniles facing the death penalty, and women.

After being sentenced to 11 years in January 2011 and banned from practising law for 20 years for conspiring against state security, she recently went on hunger strike to protest harassment against her family.

Amnesty said that for the past three months she “has only had visits from her children while behind a glass screen — ever since the authorities discovered she had been using a tissue to write her defence for an upcoming court hearing.”

“The Iranian authorities have imposed a travel ban on her daughter and on one occasion held her husband overnight in prison for their peaceful advocacy on her behalf,” Amnesty said.

Panahi, who is free, is a 52-year-old film-maker repeatedly acclaimed at major international festivals for gritty and socially critical movies that are banned in Iran.

He was arrested for a documentary he tried to make on the unrest following the 2009 election and after being placed under house arrest, he was later sentenced to six years in jail and banned from making more films for 20 years.

Last year, his “This Is Not A Film” had to be smuggled out in a USB key inside a cake to be screened at the Cannes film festival.

The Cannes, Berlin and Venice festivals invited him to sit on their juries in 2010 and 2011 but because he was barred from leaving the country, organisers left a symbolic empty chair for him to remind film-goers of his plight.

Cannes film festival president Gilles Jacob on Friday welcomed the parliament’s award for Panahi.

AFP

Shirin Ebadi, Human Rights Defender and Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, in continuation of her monthly reports, has reviewed the human rights situation in Iran in Mehr 1391 (September-October 2012). According to the website of the Centre for the Defenders of Human Rights (CDHR), Dr. Ebadi started her Mehr report by addressing the issue of early marriage of the girl child, in light of the recent proclamation by the United Nations to designate 11 October as the first International Day of the Girl Child. The human rights advocate has not limited girls’ problems to the issue of early marriage; in her view their situation is even worse under the criminal law. Therefore, Dr. Ebadi draws the attention of the Islamic Republic’s authorities to their international obligations, especially those related to juveniles under the age of eighteen. She urges them to amend laws that allow the death penalty and early marriage for juveniles less than 18 years of age.

The human rights activist has continued her report by examining the human rights situation under three categories: “civil and political rights”, “economic and social rights”, “cultural heritage and environment”. The civil and political rights section, in addition to identifying the political and civil rights activists who have been summoned to prison to serve their sentences, highlights the arrest of 25 individuals. To address another instance of human rights violation, this report once again refers to unfair punishment of the relatives of political prisoners who attempt to inform the public about the plight of their imprisoned family members. Imposition of limitation on journalists, writers, and artists, and dismissal of 22 teachers from their teaching positions are other issues covered in this report.

The report points out that although the United Nations Secretary-General has asked Iran to stop its killing policy, a total of 22 individuals were executed during the month of Mehr. The following is the text of Mrs. Ebadi’s report for Mehr 1391, which was published on 1 Aban (22 October 2012).

A Brief Report on Human Rights Situation in Iran in Mehr 1391(September-October 2012)

Introduction

The United Nations marked 11 October as the first International Day of the Girl Child. It was declared in a ceremony in New York that UN-affiliated organizations would attempt to put an end to child marriage by 2030.

In such circumstances, according to statistics released by the National Organization for Civil Registration, 7440 marriages of girls under the age of 15 were recorded in Iran in 2011. The deputy governor-general in charge of political and security affairs of Hamedan Province stated that 1773 marriages of girls between 10-14 years old were registered in the same year.

Unfortunately, according to above-mentioned statistics, child marriage is prevalent in Iran. In fact, according to the Iranian Society for Protection of the Rights of the Child, the number of these marriages has doubled compared to previous years owing to increased poverty as a result of the adverse economic situation.

Article 1041 of the Civil Code of Iran has declared the legal age of marriage as 13 for girls and 15 for boys.

Moreover, if a court deems it expedient, it can grant permission for marriage even before the child reaches the aforementioned legal age.

The early marriage is not the only discriminatory provision against Iranian girls. Their situation is worse under the Criminal law. For instance, the age of criminal responsibility is nine for girls and 15 for boys. In other words, girls become criminally responsible six years earlier than boys. Mehraveh Khandan situation is an illustrative example in this regard. She is the daughter of Nasrin Sotudeh, a lawyer and political prisoner. Mehraveh has been prosecuted and barred from travelling in order to impose more pressure on her mother. Even more painful is the fact that girls’ blood money is half of that of boys which is a blatant discrimination against children. The Islamic Republic of Iran signed the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1991. Although, Iran’s officials should respect the Convention and implement its provisions, they violate their obligations by adopting inadequate legislations. One of those is the issue of early marriage.

Having highlighted the above issue, we would now like to draw your attention to the report on human rights situation in Iran in Mehr 1391. The report has been taken from various newspapers and websites and will appear in both English and Persian in three sections, upon verification of the sources.

Human Rights Situation in Iran in Mehr 1391

Section 1: Political and Civil Rights

A) Situation of Nonconformist Political-Social Activists

1.Twenty-five individuals were arrested this month. Some of them were released on bail after several days. The following are among those who have been arrested: Shokrolah Nazari, a political activist, Mani Tavakoli, a blogger and students’ rights activist, Mehdi Hashemi(son of Expediency Council Chairman Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani), Negar Haeri, daughter of political prisoner Mashalah Haeri and Mitra Nuri, Shiva Rohani, Sheyda Ghodusi, Pune Sanai, Hilda Aghighiyan, Hata Aghighiyan, Hushmand Dehghan, Farhad Fahandaj, Farahmand Sanai, Fare Sanai, Parivash Fanaiyan, Nazi Tahghighi, Kamal kashani and Parisa Shahidi, all Baha’i citizens, and Mohammad (Vahid) Roghangir, Sorush Sarai, Eskandar Rezai, Bijan Haghighi, Mehdi Ameruni and Shahin Lahuti and Roksana Forughi, are among those who had converted to Christianity

2. Mohammad Ali Dadkhah, a member of the Supreme Supervisory Council of the Centre for Defenders of Human Rights, was transferred to Evin Prison to begin serving his nine-year prison sentence. Nasim Soltan Beygi, students’ rights activists was taken to prison to serve her six-year prison term. Faezeh Hashemi, a political activist (and daughter of Hashemi-Rafsanjani) was summoned to Evin Prison to serve her six-month prison sentence.

3. Ehsanolah Amaniyan, a Gonabadi Dervish received his 50 lashes punishment.

4. Mohammad Tavasoli, a member of Iran’s Freedom Movement was convicted to 11 years imprisonment and five years deprivation of any social activities. Afsaneh Toghir Tofir, Vahid Habib Cheshmeh, Vahid Rastgu and Mohammad Eskandarzade, four civil rights activists from Azarbayejan each have been sentenced to one-year imprisonment. Gholamreza Makiyan known as Reza Malek, a former director of the intelligence service, who has been in prison for more than 11 years, was sentenced to another two-year prison term on the charge of insulting the Supreme Leader; he also received 74 lashes. Taher Eskandari, Afrasiyab Sobhani and Puya Tabyaniyan, all Baha’i citizens, have been respectively convicted to three years, one year and six-and-a-half years prison terms by the appeal court. Mohammad Haji Babai, students’ rights activist was sentenced to five months imprisonment and a cash fine. Hamidreza Ranjbar, a civil rights activist has also convicted to three years imprisonment and 74 lashes. Alireza Roshan, a Gonabadi Dervish, has convicted to a one-year prison term and a four-year suspended jail term. The retrial request of Seyyed Ziya Nabavi, a student who has been deprived of education and sentenced to a 10-year prison term in banishment, was rejected.

5. Abdolnaser Mahimani, a political activist who was not allowed to attend his father’s death anniversary, has been detained. Mohammad Nazari, a political prisoner in Rajai-Shahr Prison, who has been in jail for more than 19 years, and Feyzollah Arab Sorkhi, a member of Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution Organization, and Nasrin Sotudeh, lawyer, have all went on hunger strike in protest at the lack of attention to their situation.

6. Hosein Ma’adikha was transferred from Ward 350 to the security Ward 240 of Evin Prison one week after his arrest to serve his prison term. Seyyed Mostafa Tajzadeh, a member of Islamic Iran Participation Front, who is currently in prison, was summoned to Evin Prison Court after his cell had been searched.

7. Another instance of human rights violation is intimidation and unfair punishment of the relatives of political prisoners who attempt to inform the public about the plight of their imprisoned family members. This month, the parents and aunt of Behnud Ramezani, a student who was killed in February 2011, were given prison terms of eight months each for the parents and four months for the aunt. They were charged with attempt to hold a death anniversary memorial service for their son. Maryam Ghods, wife of Feyzollah Arab Sorkhi who is a member of Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution Organization, was dismissed from her office despite being employed for 19 years. Majid Sedghi, brother of Said Sedghi, a prisoner sentenced to death, has been arrested because of his interview with the BBC and V.O.A.

Masumeh Dehghan, wife of Abdolfattah Soltani, an imprisoned lawyer, has been threatened and forced to make a confession against her husband and express remorse on his behalf. Family of Hossein Ronaghi, who is currently in prison, were threatened by security officials to not inform the public about their child.

8. The condition of several prisoners of conscience continues to be reported as poor. The Tehran prosecutor refused Asaddolah Hadi, who had objected to going to the hospital in prison uniform, to receive treatment. The prosecutor also turned down a Medical leave request for Mahvash Shahrari, a 60 year-old Baha’i leader who is currently in prison although suffering from a hip fracture. Mahbubeh Karami, who suffers from physical and mental health problems, has been refused sick leave. Also, prison officials have not agreed to grant medical leave to Elmira (Farah) Vazehan. Moreover, Rajai-Shahr prison officials have refused to admit Mishagh Yazdan Nejad to Hospital.

9. Shaheen Zeinali, a student activist, was prevented from meeting his family during a prison visit.

B) Situation Regarding Books, Media, Writers and Journalists

1.Mehdi Rahmaniyan, editor-in-chief of Shargh newspaper, Ali Ranjbar and Hamidreza Abdollahi, both bloggers and translators, have been arrested. Mohammad Mahdi Emami Naseri, editor-in-chief of Maghreb newspaper, financial manager, and public relations manager and vice president of the latter newspaper have also been detained.

2. Nazanin Dehimi, translator of children’s literature reported to Prison to serve her eight-month prison term. Ali Akbar Javanfekr, general director of IRNA and head of Iran Media Institute, was transferred to Evin Prison to serve his one-year prison term.

3. Sam Mahmudi Sorabi, a journalist has been sentenced to a four-year prison term, four-year suspended imprisonment and ten-year deprivation of all Media activities. Sajad Noruzi, editor-in-chief of Farda website has been convicted to 91 days imprisonment.

4. The licences of Vafa news agency, Shargh newspaper and Keyhan Caricature were cancelled.

5. The court session of editors-in-chief of Setareh Sobh and Sokhan Shahrvand publications was held.

6. Mohammad Ali Sepanlu has received permission to publish his new book “Afsaneh Shaer Morde (Legend of a Dead Poet)” after 30 pages of his 140-page book were censored.

7. Performance of a play called “Revayat haye Natamam-e Yek Fasl-e Moalagh” was cancelled. The Music House’s ceremony in Milad Tower was cancelled.

8. Student’s publication, “Arman”, was shut down and its office equipment was confiscated.

9. Several web sites providing information about foreign currency and gold coins were filtered owing to increased prices in the market. Google search and Gmail services were also filtered for a few days.

10. Two activists in the field of Internet were arrested in Gilan Province. Gilan’s Police charged the two men with creating websites and broadcasting “unauthorized” songs online. The conviction verdicts of five young men from Sirjan, who were active in the field of Internet, were issued. Sirjan’s public prosecutor declared their charges as posting illegal issues on Facebook.

c) Other Instances of Human Rights Abuse

In a month that the United Nations General Secretary asked Iran to stop its killing policy, we observe that according to governmental news agencies and websites the following people were either executed or handed down death sentences: “H.J” in Semnan, “M.M”, “A.M”, “M.R”, “A.A” and “M.N” in Shahrud, “Taj Mohammad. B”, “A.B”, “H.B”, “M.B” and “N.M”, “Sh.P” and “Z.N” three Afghan citizens in Tabas and “A.P”, “A.K”, “M.A”, “A.S” and “A.Z” in Shiraz were executed. Government news agencies declared their charges as possession of drugs. The official news agencies have also reported the execution of four youths in Tabriz. According to these new agencies, they were charged with rape and kidnapping. Ebrahim Isapour and Sirvan Najavy, both citizens of Sardasht, received death sentences. They had been charged with Moharebeh (enmity against God) and Fesad Fel Arz (Corruption on Earth) and membership in groups which are enemies of the government. R. K has been sentenced to death in Shiraz. “Khabar Jonub” newspaper declared his charge as armed robbery. Abdolbasat Rigi, Abdoljalil Kahrazehi and Yahya Chari Zehi have been executed in Zahedan. Some websites declared their charges as political and Moharebeh.

2. The public prosecutor of the city of Dezful has reported that a cutting hand sentence in public had been issued for a theft. A. Z was sentenced to amputation of his right hand and his left feet. “Khabar Jonub” newspaper declared his charge as armed robbery.

3. Nedaye Enghelab website, affiliated to pro-government Javan newspaper reported the arrest of 150 individuals during the recent unrest in Tehran.

4. Vahid Abedini, Tehran University students rights activist, was again barred from continuing his PhD. Sarveh Heydari, Leila Borna and Somayeh Hoshyari, three (resident) MD students in Sanandaj, have been barred from their studies. Security forces in Mazandaran Province did not let Alireza Shahiri to be presented in Babol University of Science and Technology.

5. Technical Colleges of Tuyserkan and Kabudarahang, and management and accounting colleges in Razan (three cities in Hamedan Province), only accept male students. In continuation of the gender segregation enforcement in nationwide universities, the entrances of several colleges of Shiraz University of Medical Sciences were separated for men and women. According to a procedural regulation, students have been forbidden to laugh loudly in Shiraz University of Medical Sciences.

6. The chief of Police in North Khorasan (Province) declared that nine internet cafes have been closed since the beginning of the year.

Section 2: Economic and Social Rights

1. Due to the poor economic conditions and shortages of raw materials, mainly because of adverse economic management and political sanctions, many workers have not been paid their overdue salaries for several months. For instance, workers of Poshesh Rah Company in Tabas have not received any salaries for six months. Eighty workers of Alda factory have not been paid for three months. Similarly, 210 workers of Parlu Saveh factory have not received any salary for four months. Moreover, 130 workers of Yas-e Khoramshahr health industry and 55 workers of Hiva Electronic factory in Babol have not received any salaries for six months. In addition, more than 5000 workers of “Giti Pasand” factory of Isfahan have not been paid for five months. Meanwhile, 200 workers of “Ashi Mashi” production group have lost their jobs.

2. The physical condition of imprisoned workers in Iran continues to be reported as poor. For instance, Reza Shahabi, workers’ rights activist has been waiting in Ward 350 of Evin Prison for the prosecutor to make a decision regarding his admittance to hospital. This is despite the fact that a month has passed since a doctor recommended that Shahabi be examined by a specialist.

3. Adeleh Cheraghi, a workers’ rights activist has been arrested.

4. Hamid Hadisi a teacher from Lahijan, who was the candidate of the Meli-Mazhabi coalition forces in the sixth Majlis elections, has been expelled from his teaching position. Abu Bakr Nuri, Hossein Abdi Pour, Mohammad Jamal Habky, Habib Farzam Nia, Khaled Zahiri, Jalal Manouchehri, Malek Zakarai Nasab, Mohamamd Ali Darboy, Osman Abdi, Jalal Karami, Salahodin Ma’rufi, Osman Mohammadi, Abdulolsalam Fatollahi, Yousef Hemeh Veysi, Ebrahim Moradpur, Rasul Khodakarami, and Bahram Soleymani, all teachers in Kurdish-populated areas, have also been expelled from their teaching positions.

Section 3: Cultural Heritage and Environment

Reports concerning cultural heritage and environment in the month of Mehr also serve to indicate the unfavourable situation in those sectors.

1. The trees in the Nahar Khoran forest, a tourist area in Gorgan, were cut down to build the War Museum. Elaheh Moosavi, a journalist from Golestan Province who had attempted to inform the public about this issue, has been summoned to court.

2. Lake Orumiyeh has shrunk by 120 thousand kilometres and five of its islands have become arid.

Conclusion

In conclusion of this monthly report, I would like to draw the attention of the Islamic Republic’s authorities to their international obligations, especially those related to juveniles under 18 years of age. I urge them to amend laws that allow juvenile death penalty and child marriages.

Shirin Ebadi

Human Rights Defendant and 2003 Nobel Laureate

22 October 2012

Note: For further information regarding the above reports, please refer to the following news websites:

Iranian Students News Agency (ISNA), Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA), Iranian Labour News Agency (ILNA), Fars news agency, Mehr news agency, Young Journalists Club news agency, CDHR website, JARAS, Committee of Human Rights Reporters, Nedaye Azadi, Baztab, HRANA, Ghanoon, Kaleme, Mohebbat News, Sunni Online, International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, Majzooban-e Noor, Melli Mazhabi, Nedaye Sabze Azadi, Radio Zamaneh, Radio Farda and BBC.

Read This Article In Persian

via Voice of Freedom.

Ahmad Shaheed

The U.N.’s human rights expert on Iran is condemning the Islamic Republic’s reliance on stoning as a form of capital punishment, citing that as just one of a number of “deeply troubling” Iranian rights violations, many of which are “systemic in nature,” according to a report circulating among U.N. delegations.

Ahmed Shaheed, the Geneva-based U.N. Human Rights Council’s special rapporteur on Iran, also called for an “extensive, impartial and independent investigation into the violence in the weeks and months that followed the presidential election of 2009,” when pro-democracy protesters surged into the streets to denounce the election of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as bogus and rigged.

Shaheed also “reiterates his call for the immediate release of all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience,” according the report, which The Associated Press obtained Thursday.

The document will be the basis for a General Assembly resolution critical of Iran’s human rights violations, which will probably be voted on in December.

Shaheed reported that at least 150 journalists have fled Iran since the 2009 elections, and some reports put the number as high as 400.

Iran detained more journalists than any other nation last year, according to his report, and to the New-York based rights group Committee to Protect Journalists, which counted 179 writers, editors and photojournalists jailed in Iran in December 2011.

Half of them spent time in solitary confinement, 42 percent were sent into exile in 2010-2011, and half were serving sentences ranging from 6 months to 19 ½ years on charges such as “working with hostile governments”, “propaganda against the state”, and “insulting religious sanctities,” Shaheed wrote.

As the report was being prepared last March, Iran’s Foreign Ministry said Shaheed was building it on statements by “terrorists.” The term “terrorist” is an apparent reference to the Mujahedin-e Khalq, a small exile group that until recently was listed by the U.S. as a terrorist organization. The MEK says it has renounced violence, and also represents a very small fraction of the opposition to the government in Tehran.

Iran does not allow Shaheed entry to the country to conduct his research, and regards his reports as punitive. Shaheed said he followed 124 cases of human right violations for his report and conducted 99 interviews with individuals who were inside and outside Iran between February and June.

Officials at Iran’s U.N. mission did not immediately return calls seeking comment on Shaheed’s completed report.

Iran is now cracking down on Internet users, with Shaheed reporting that 19 bloggers and Internet commentators are currently detained in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Four of those detained, Vahid Asghari, Ahmad Reza Hashempour, Mehdi Alizadeh Fakhrabad and Saeed Malekpour, were sentenced to death in January 2012. “

They were accused of “enmity against God” and “corruption on earth”; collaboration or engagement with foreign governments; insulting leaders of the country; and launching and maintaining pro-opposition websites.

Another blogger, “Sakhi Righi, was issued the harshest prison sentence ever served to a blogger in the country — 20 years — for ‘publishing false Information’ and committing ‘acts against national security,’” Shaheed said.

Iran is expanding its crackdown by targeting websites deemed to promote “terroristic, espionage, economic or social Crimes, he said. “This includes websites that allegedly possess pornographic content, insult Islam or Government officials, proselytize unrecognized religions, or establish anti-government political groups.”

In two dozen interviews, Shaheed said he had learned of Iranian human rights defenders “being arrested and held incommunicado in solitary confinement for periods ranging from several weeks to 36 months, without charge or access to legal counsel.”

“Most of them also reported that they were subjected to severe physical torture during interrogations, which were aimed at coercing confessions or soliciting information about other human rights defenders and human rights organizations,” he said.

“Methods employed reportedly included severe beatings with batons and other objects, mock hangings, electrocution, and actual rape. Other forms of psychological torture allegedly included sleep deprivation, denial of food and/or water, and threats of arrest, detention, rape or murder of family members. Several victims also reported being drugged with hallucinogens,” Shaheed reported.

Associated Press